Summaries: the best scientific articles for clinical child and adolescent psychology summarized

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Article summary of Emotions by Scherer - Chapter

Article summary of Emotions by Scherer - Chapter

Preface

An emotion consists of various components, namely physical arousal, motor expressions, action tendencies and subjective feelings. These components have an effect on social cognitions, attitudes and social interactions. That is why it is important that emotions are signaled during a conversation. This is about the emotion that is being emitted, so the non-verbal communication. Emotions play a role in forming and breaking social relationships. People also like to talk to others about emotions. One of the most important areas of social psychology where emotions are important is within group dynamics. This concerns the effects of 'contagious emotions'; passing a felt emotion over to others. Examples of contagious emotions are laughter and yawning.

What is an emotion?

The James-Lange theory

The James-Lange theory takes a peripheral position (which means that it focuses more on the somatic and autonomous rather than the central nervous system). In addition, it is suggested that someone first perceives an event, after which a physical reaction occurs. Then, only after the sensation of that physical reaction, an emotion occours. The difference between the James-Lange theory and the theories before, was that in the James-Lange theory it was thought that an emotion would come only after the physical reaction and in the theories before the main idea was that that an emotion would come before a physical reaction.

Emotion as a social-psychological construct

Nowadays there is a growing consensus that 'emotion' should not be used as a synonym for 'feeling'. Instead, researchers suggest that feelings are one of the three components in the emotion construct. Other components are the neurophysiological responses and motor expressions. These 3 components together are called the 'emotional reaction triad'. Another component that belongs to this emotion construct is the action tendency, although this is also seen as a behavioral consequence rather than a component of emotion. In addition, the emotion construct includes a cognitive component, because there is always evaluative information processing when it comes to emotion-generating events. The cognitive interpretation of an event is also called an appraisal. An emotion is described as a fierce, dynamic and short process with a clear beginning and an end. This involves as a crisis response, in which the physiological and psychological components interact with each other during an emotion episode. Systems that were previously independent suddenly start working together in synchronization to ensure survival.

Why do we have emotions?

Emotions cost a lot of energy, so why do they exist?

The evolutionary significance of emotions

According to Darwin, emotions exist because they are adaptive and help regulate interactions within social living species (for example, raising eyebrows provides better vision).

Emotions as a social signaling system

Another explanation for the existence of emotions is that, because one person can express emotions, another person can respond to this more easily and this can also lead to a certain tendency towards action.

Emotions provide behavioral flexibility

Emotions are almost automatic, but are more flexible than normal stimulus-response responses. Emotions ensure 'latency time' between stimulus and action, which ensures that people are better at evaluating the situation. During that period, the chance of success and the seriousness of the consequences are examined, after which an optimal response can be chosen. If there is a negative consequence, the motivation to take action will be great. Therefore, emotions have a strong influence on motivation.

Information processing

Information processing which is done people, especially in the social field, usually consists of 'hot cognition'. These are emotional responses that help to evaluate relevant and irrelevant stimuli. The criteria used in the evaluation of stimuli are learned during conversations and are influenced by needs, preferences, goals and values.

Regulation and control

Our feelings are a constant monitor of what is happening, and thus serve as the evaluation and appraisal of the environment, physical changes in the central nervous system and action tendencies. This is a requirement when controlling or manipulating the emotion process.

So, an emotion:

  • decouples stimulus and response
  • ensures the (correct) action trends through a 'latency time'
  • provides signals for the outside world (others)
  • feelings can regulate emotional behav, which can be strateic in social interactions

How are emotions elicited and how are they distinguished?

Philosophical notions

It is clear to most philosophers that a certain situation is reacted with a certain type of emotion.

The Schachter-Singer theory of emotion

According to Schachter, two factors are important in eliciting and distinguishing emotions, namely the perception of arousal and cognitions. Arousal is always the same (non-specific) and cognition leads to a label of the emotion (for example fear). In an experiment, arousal was generated in participants by means of an adrenaline injection. This showed that cognitions labeled this arousal for events that were taking place in their environment at that time. Emotions are thus formed by felt arousal and by the cognitive interpretation of the situations that are based on the behavioral model of expression. The results have not been replicated.

Appraisal theory

The appraisal theory of Lazarus consists of primary appraisal (fun / dislike, helps / hinders achievement of the goal) and secondary appraisal (to what extent can the person deal with the consequences of an event, given his or her competences, resources and strength). Lazarus calls this model a transactional model, because the outcome of the event is not only influenced by the nature of the event, but also by the needs, goals and resources of the person. It is different for each person and often leads to a mix of emotions (emotion blend).

Cultural and individual differences in appraisal at events

Culture causes differences in appraisal, for example socialism versus individualism. In a collectivist culture, guilt and shame are seen as the result of immoral things. In an individualistic culture this only applies to guilt and this emotion also lasts longer than in collectivist cultures. So the socio-cultural value can influence someone's emotional life. Individual differences in appraisal also cause different emotional responses.

Are there specific response patterns for different types of emotions?

There is agreement about the differentiation of the emotional component of emotions, but not about the reaction patterns of the peripheral system. James uses proprioceptive feedback (sensory information from organs about physical changes) to differentiate between emotions. Schachter and Singer, on the other hand, believe that non-specific physiological arousal combined with situational factors ensure that emotions can be differentiated. Tomkins spoke about discrete emotions, where he talked about neural programs that can control a certain emotion and the associated facial expression and motor skills.

Wat are motoric expressions?

Facial expressions

Evidence has shown found that facial expressions are universal, even though small differences have been found between cultures due to cultural desirability (display rules). 

Vocal expressions

Emotions are not only recognizable by facial expressions, but also by vocal expressions. Here too there are differences between people and cultures. Emotions in voice are partly universal, even though there are language differences between cultures. This is proof of a partial biological basis of emotions.

Control and strategic manipulation of an expression

Cultural norms about appropriate expression of an emotion are called display rules. It concerns the regulation of 'congenital' systems. In addition to the fact that it is appropriate to control your emotion expression because of cultural norms, it is also important from a strategic point of view. This would allow someone to manipulate someone else. Emotion expression often only comes into being when we see other people and that is why it is seen as a communication tool. But the more an emotion overwhelms us, the harder it is to regulate it.

Physiological changes

Physiological activity is not communicative, but it provides energy. This can ensure that someone is prepared for a specific action. Studies show specific patterns for the emotions fear and anger. These are functional: in case of fear, blood flows to the heart and brain to prevent blood loss. In the case of anger, the blood flows to the muscles for action.

Subjective feelings

This involves someone's conscious experience about the processes that take place in his or her body.

Dimensions of feeling

Wundt made a three-dimensional system to display the precise nature of all complex emotional states. The three dimensions are: excitement - depression, tension - relaxation, pleasant - unpleasant. There is only evidence for the first and third dimensions and therefore, in other studies, they often use a two-dimensional model of emotions. 

Verbal labeling of feelings

Emotions are socially structured (which means that the social and cultural factors create a reality for an individual). Cultural differences in value judgment systems, social structures, communication habits and other factors influence the emotion experiences and are reflected in culturally specified states of feeling. Feelings that are verbally expressed are influenced more quickly by sociocultural variations than other components of the emotion process. This makes sense because the subjective state of feeling represents the cultural and situational context and the other components of the emotion process.

How can emotion components interact?

Research has shown that the components of emotions are all strongly interconnected.

Catharsis

Catharsis revolves around the interaction of three components of emotion, namely expression, physiology and feeling. Through an expression, a person can calm himself down, reduce his arousal and at the same time change his state of feeling.

Proprioceptive feedback

Proprioceptive feedback (or the facial feedback hypothesis) states the opposite of the catharsis hypothesis. In this case, inhibition of facial expression reduces the intensity of an emotion and emphatic facial expressions can enhance the intensity of an emotion. In an experiment, participants had to hold a pen between their lips or teeth. The participants who used their laughing muscles to hold their pen rated the cartoons they saw as funnier. The effects were even stronger when the participants saw themselves in the mirror and the effects were also stronger with participants with high self-awareness. This has the opposite effect when someone has to smile kindly, while the person is actually furious, because this only reinforces the anger.

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Article summary with Comparison of sadness, anger, and fear facial expressions when toddlers look at their mothers by Buss & Kiel - 2004

Article summary with Comparison of sadness, anger, and fear facial expressions when toddlers look at their mothers by Buss & Kiel - 2004

In the past, researchers suggested that the facial expression of sadness in toddlers may be more effective for receiving care than the expression of other emotions. This study aims to show that this is indeed the case and fills in a gap, as there has not been many research about the facial expression of toddlers.

What was the reason to conduct this study?

Emotion regulation is something that is developed as children age. Toddlers still depend on their mothers in this aspect, as being comforted by them leads to the reduction of distress. They receive this comfort by expressing this distress, for example by crying or by looking at the mother. Therefore, the expression of negative emotions serves as a tool to receive care. Mothers react in a certain way to different emotions. For example, the expression of anger is often ignored, while sadness leads to comforting, warmth and play. In this way, the modulation of facial expressions is reinforced.

How was the research conducted?

In this study, researchers investigated whether toddlers of 24 months modulate their facial expressions when interacting with their mothers after a frustrating or threatening situation. The research was conducted according to the following questions:

  1. What was the predominant distress expression in each episode?
  2. Did toddlers express sadness more than the target emotion when looking at their mother?
  3. Did the expression of sadness increase in frequency and intensity during looks at their mother?
  4. Did the expression of sadness occur more when toddlers looked at their mother than when they were not looking at their mother?

The research was conducted with 71 toddlers, mainly Caucasian and from middle-class families. They were placed in a room with an invisible camera. The episodes of threat were created by a stranger approaching the child, kneeling close by and staring at the kid in silence. The episodes of frustration were created by removing a toy from the child, and by placing a toy in a locked, transparent box near the child. Subsequently, the intensity and frequency of facial expressions of different emotions were measured.

What are the results of the study?

The results of this study show that in the episodes with the stranger, fear facial expressions were expressed twice as often as expressions of sadness. In the episodes where the toy was removed, facial expressions of anger were expressed almost three times as often as expressions of sadness. In the episodes with the toy locked in a box, sadness was expressed more frequently than anger. The researchers demonstrated that the toddlers were more likely to express sadness than anger or fear during looks at their mother, and that the expressions of sadness were more intense than the expressions of anger or fear.

What are the limitations of the study?

The study focused solely on toddlers, therefore no conclusions can be drawn about the development of the ability of children to modulate facial expressions. Furthermore, the mothers were instructed not to interfere or react to their children. Therefore, there is no information on how mothers react to the expression of different emotions.

In conclusion, 24-month-old children show increased frequency and intensity of sadness expression when looking at their mother in situations of fear or frustration.

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Article summary with Affective empathy, cognitive empathy and social attention in children at high risk of criminal behaviour by Zonneveld a.o. - 2017

Article summary with Affective empathy, cognitive empathy and social attention in children at high risk of criminal behaviour by Zonneveld a.o. - 2017

Deficits in empathic abilities are thought to stem from impairments in social interaction exhibited by a person who engages in antisocial behaviour. Empathy requires social attention. When it comes to people who exhibit antisocial behaviour, no study looked into the relationship between social attention and affective and cognitive empathy.

What is the background of this study?

Some children are at high risk of (developing) antisocial behaviour, possibly resulting into receiving a criminal record. In order to help this group and prevent the negative influence on society, an early intervention is required. Other research already showed that a high-risk child comes from a more disadvantaged neighbourhood, has poorer parental guidance, exhibits alterations in brain function and structure and deals with a more problematic emotional functioning. On the other hand, studies show that a high-risk childhood does not inevitably results into a criminal adulthood, which implicates that an adequate intervention can reverse antisocial behaviour. An early intervention is also recommendable given the fact that we are especially capable of emotional and social learning during the phase between childhood and early adolescence.

Empathy and recognizing the emotions of other people are based on the gradual refinement with age of children’s recognition and production of emotional signals. They are learned through experience. A young child that can recognize other’s emotions well, has more social skills and is more popular. A child that is exposed to divergent emotional signals or is adversely treated exhibits several emotional difficulties. Engaging in inappropriate behaviour like antisocial behaviour or aggression results into issues with empathy and the recognition of emotions.

Affective empathy: the ability to experience what it feels like for someone else to experience certain emotions. Cognitive empathy: ability to understand what the thoughts or emotions of someone else might be, without being emotionally involved. Research shows that children with antisocial behaviour have unimpaired cognitive empathy but impaired affective empathy. Unimpaired cognitive empathy was also found in studies that analysed only cognitive empathy. However, empathy was examined through questionnaires. Affective empathy was not measured with psychological measures. Physiological arousal is a objective, direct and reliable measure of affective empathy and has frequently been linked to antisocial behaviour. A verbal report of the emotions someone is experiencing is not the best measure, it would be especially unreliable in case of an antisocial boy (who is likely to have issues with self-reflection and a low verbal IQ). In studies that examined affective empathy through physiological measures, measures of cognitive empathy were excluded. These studies show that children with behaviour disorders exhibited  decreased physiological responses and thus less affective empathy as a reaction to negative emotions. In this study, objective physiological measures will be used for affective empathy, combined with both affective and cognitive empathy.

Naturally, people prefer social information, also known as social attention. During social interaction, information about the emotional and mental state of the other person can be obtained by examining the face, more specific: the eyes. Social attention can be considered as a crucial precursor of empathic responses.

What methods were used?

Who participated?

Data were collected from children recruited through Amsterdam’s PIT-project (Preventive Intervention Trajectory). This program targets children at risk of developing criminal behaviour due to being related to youthful offenders (siblings) or delinquents (parents) or failing at primary school due to extreme antisocial behaviour or frequently being unauthorized absent.

The total study group consisted of 157 children (114 high-risk children, the control group included 43 children). They had an average age of 10 years and attended the same schools. The risk status of the children was confirmed by using the Dutch equivalent of the Teacher Report Form. The children in the control group scored within the normal range on the problem scales (borderline, aggression, rule-breaking behaviour, internalizing problem behaviour), while the high-risk children had high scores on the first three scales. The problem behaviour as described by the parents was identified by using the Dutch equivalent of the Child Behaviour Checklist.

What procedure was followed?

Participants were invited to take tests in accordance with the standard protocol. The children were separately assessed in a non-distracting room. 

What instruments were used?

Stimuli: four video clips were showed: a neutral one (fish in an aquarium) for obtaining baseline electrodermal and cardiovascular activity and three emotional movie clips, presenting various emotions: pain, fear and happiness.

Social attention was assessed through visual scanning patterns: the face and eyes. These patterns were measured by using an eye-tracker (fixation filter) and through hand drawings created by Tobii Studio.

Affective empathy was measured by using electrodes measuring electrodermal and cardiovascular activity. Affective arousal: the difference between baseline and the three emotional clips in electrodermal and cardiovascular activity. Heart rate was used as cardiovascular response variable and skin conductance responses and skin conductance level as electrodermal response variables.

Cognitive empathy was assessed by asking questions about the specific emotions the leading character in the video’s experienced, the intensity and causes of these emotions. 

How were the statistics analysed?

The control group and the high-risk group were compared on intellectual functioning, gender and age. Total fixation duration on the total screen was observed in order to detect possible differences in attention. Group differences were analysed by performing a two-way repeated measures assessment of variance with Dynamic Areas of Interest (eyes and face) and Emotion (pain, fear, happiness) as within-subject factors and Group as between-subjects factor. Three repeated measures assessment of variance were performed to detect differences between groups in heart rate, skin conductance response and skin conductance level as an reaction to the emotion clips with Emotion as within-subject factor and Group as between-subjects factor. MANOVA was used for a comparison between both groups regarding cognitive empathy.

What were the results?

There were no differences between the control group and the high-risk group with regard to gender and age. A significantly lower estimated full scale IQ, a significantly higher score on rule-breaking behaviour, TRF aggression, total internalizing behaviour and total externalizing behaviour were reported in the high-risk group. In comparison to the reports of the teachers, the high-risk children’s parents reported less problematic behaviour (rule breaking and aggression). IQ was excluded from further analyses, since there was no correlation found with empathy or social attention variables.

There was no difference detected between the groups regarding the total fixation duration (attention) to the total screen. The results showed no significant effect of Group on social attention, but a significant effect of Group on Emotion. The differences in fixation duration between face and eyes were biggest for the fear and pain (the negative emotions).

The groups did not differ in heart rate, skin conductance level and skin conductance responses at baseline. There was no effect of Group regarding heart rate, but there was a significant effect of fear and pain (Emotion). An increase in heart rate was observed in the control group during emotion exposure, while a decrease was observed in the high-risk group.

Regarding the skin conductance level, no significant effect of Group was observed. The results showed a significant effect of fear and pain (Emotion). In the high-risk group, a smaller increase in the skin conductance level was observed during the pain clips only.

Regarding skin conductance responses, no significant effect of Group was observed. The results showed a significant effect of fair and pain (Emotion). In the high-risk group, fewer skin conductance responses were observed during the pain clips.

The groups did not differ in cognitive empathy.

What do these results mean?

Some children are at high risk of developing antisocial behaviour and getting involved in criminal activity. A timely intervention could help those children and prevent the negative consequences for society. The study showed that high-risked children have impaired affective empathy when watching emotional video clips.

As to date, the role of social attention was in no other study assessed by using eye-tracking technology and empathy in response to various emotionally relevant events in a research group consisting children at high risk of criminal behaviour. Social attention may be a requirement for empathic response, but the high-risk group showed no impaired social attention. This implies that social attention does not account for the affective empathy deficits. The results of this study challenge the results of other studies, in which a failure in attention to the eyes was considered a cause of fear recognition issues in children with Callous-Unemotional traits. The results of this study showed no abnormality regarding social attention. This could mean that the training provided to children with CU-traits will not be helpful to high-risk children. Future research should also focus on high-risk children and examine their levels of CU-traits.

In accordance with earlier studies on affective and cognitive empathy, this study showed significant differences in affective empathy only. The results suggest that children at high risk of criminal behaviour exhibit a correct recognition and understanding of the emotions expressed in the clips, but found it problematic to experience and empathize with the negative emotions of other people. These results combined with the findings on unimpaired social attention indicate that impaired affective empathy is a crucial component that is connected to antisocial behaviour.

A child that does not understand and share the feelings of the people who suffer from his negative behaviour is expected to continue this behaviour. This study showed that the affective response to watching others in fear or pain was significantly smaller for a high risk child. Deficits in affective empathy can be indicative for other negative behaviours. It is advisable to include fMRI in future research, to examine the potential relation between affective empathy and functional brain networks. This could also provide new insights in the brain mechanisms underlying empathy.

This study shows that affective empathy deficits plays a significant role in developing antisocial behaviour, which should be taken into consideration while developing inventions. Good results have been reported after emotion awareness therapy and compassion training. Programs that focus on increasing emotion awareness could play an important role in future prevention and intervention research.

What is the conclusion?

Children at high risk of developing criminal behaviour - due to having delinquent parents, young offenders as siblings or failing at primary school because of severe antisocial behaviour or absenteeism -  exhibit unimpaired cognitive empathy and social attention but impaired affective empathy. The results of this study show the importance of emotion function (more specific: a reduced affective response) in the development of criminal behaviour and indicate that interventions should focus on affective empathy in order to create a turning point in the negative behaviour of high-risk children.

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Article summary with How biosocial research can improve interventions for antisocial behavior by Glenn & McCauley - 2018

Article summary with How biosocial research can improve interventions for antisocial behavior by Glenn & McCauley - 2018

The development of antisocial behavior is influenced by biological factors. However, these factors also influence how one responds to interventions aimed at reducing antisocial behavior.

Individuals who develop antisocial behavior at a young age are more likely to engage in criminal behavior later in life compared to later emerging antisocial behavior. Various interventions are aimed at preventing the development of problematic behavior in youth. Unfortunately, these programs are limited by their complexity, high costs and modest effects. The programs are not equally beneficial to all participants.

For interventions to be successful, it has to be determined which youth are most in need of them. Some individuals outgrow their issues, while others’ behavior spirals. At some point, both may exhibit similar behaviors, but their development could differ. It is therefore important to determine which individuals are most likely to persist in their problematic behavior and are in need of more intensive interventions. Also, it needs to be determined which type of intervention is the most beneficial to a specific individual. Research indicates that different factors, such as difficulties with attention, self-regulation or emotional responding, lead to antisocial behavior in different individuals. In order for interventions to be more effective, it is necessary to understand the (biological) factors that influence the intervention outcome and use this knowledge in the selection of individuals for programs or to develop programs for particular individuals.

Research done by Albert et al. (2015) already showed the relevance of biological factors in relation to interventions. In that study, the effect of a certain gene on intervention responses was assessed. High risk children who carried this gene benefited most by the intervention program, while intervention had no effect for non-carriers.

While using biological information could improve the effectiveness of interventions, a number of ethical issues arises (for instance: privacy, discrimination, stigma).

Which biological factors are associated with antisocial behavior in youth?

Research has shown the existence of heterogeneity in the biological factor of youth with antisocial behavior. Different combinations of environmental and biological factor result into problematic behavior. How children will respond to an intervention depends partly on their hormone levels, genes, levels of neurotransmitters and brain functioning.

A child’s outcome is influenced by its environment, genetic factors that affect the character (IQ, temperament) and how it responds to its environment. Studies indicate that antisocial behavior is heritable at a rate of 40-50%. The effect of single genes on antisocial behavior is considered to be small, but acquiring genetic information could help predict one’s response to intervention. Several studies found a link between certain gene variants and levels of brain structure and functioning.

Also helpful could be information concerning the stress response system. In youth with antisocial behavior, a significant heterogeneity in responding was observed. The stress response system includes the autonomic nervous system and the HPA axis. As a response to stress, the HPA axis releases cortisol. Both high and low levels of cortisol have been linked to antisocial behavior. The functioning of the autonomic nervous system is measured through monitoring heart rate and skin conductance. A low resting heart rate and reduced level of skin conductance have been linked to antisocial behavior in youth. However, environmental factors were also associated with a higher risk for antisocial behavior.

Some studies found an association between low levels of respiratory sinus arrhythmia (RSA) and aggression in young males, while others found a positive link between RSA and externalizing problems or did not find an association between aggression and RSA. Higher levels of RSA are considered to reflect to ability to adapt to environmental stressors and emotion regulation, so it could influence the response to intervention programs.

Functional and structural neuroimaging studies have shown divergent brain functioning and structure in youth exhibiting antisocial behavior. In youth with conduct disorder, reduced brain functioning and structure were found. However, other studies lead to various results regarding the brain functioning.

Although biological abnormalities will not be found in everyone with antisocial behavior and vice versa, several biological risk factor could underlie heterogeneity in how youth responds to interventions.

Which biological factors affect responding to the environment?

The relationship between environmental and biological factors has a reciprocal nature. While biological factors potentially influence one’s response to the environment, environmental factors can alter our biology. Being exposed to stress for a long time can modify the functioning of the stress response system and gene expression.

Research has shown that the combination of social risk factors and biological risk factors increases the risk for antisocial behavior. Biological factors could influence the response to various types of environments. For instance, cortisol levels can influence whether rejection by peers is related to antisocial behavior. The majority of studies concerned negative environmental factors, but biological factors can also influence the response to positive environments. A number of children is highly responsive to their environment, whether it is a positive or negative one.

How do biological factors affect the response to intervention?

Intervention during the early years is potentially successful in preventing youth to continue their problematic behavior. Some studies investigated how biological factors influence the response to intervention.

Studies indicate that genes linked to glucocorticoids and dopamine temper the response to interventions aimed at reducing antisocial behavior in youth. Research showed that a genetic factor tempers the responsiveness to the Coping Power intervention. Youth with one variant of the oxytocin receptor gene exhibited reduced externalizing behavior, regardless of the type of intervention. Youth with the other variant of the gene receiving intervention in group format, exhibited very limited improvement and even worse behavior in the following year. Youth who received one-on-one intervention exhibited reduced externalizing behavior. Genetic factors could be helpful regarding the choice of intervention format.

Physiological factors were also linked to the potential responses to intervention. Parent training and intensive day-care treatment were found to be the least successful in youth with lower resting heart rate. Risk factors such a attention issues, age, cognitive functioning and delinquency did not influence the success of the intervention. Biological factors can be helpful predictors of the most effective intervention for specific youth.

Hormones have also been the subject of studies on intervention responsiveness. In a study among participants with disruptive behavior disorders, those with elevated levels of cortisol exhibited more improvement when receiving a structured intervention aimed at reducing aggressive behavior. Youth with higher testosterone levels were several times more likely to not respond to multifaceted psychological treatment.

Research suggests that a biosocial approach could be helpful in predicting which youth may benefit the most from intervention and which youth will probably not respond to certain therapy.

How can biological information help in determining which youth are most in need of intervention?

Less than 50% of children who exhibit antisocial behavior continue this behavior into adulthood. Not all children are in need of intensive interventions. Biological factors are helpful in determining which youth are likely to engage in continuous anti-social behavior.

A study found that youth (aged 12-22 years) carrying a variant of the GABRA2 gene exhibited continuous externalizing behavior. Normalizing cortisol levels is considered to be predictive of a decrease in aggression. A better prediction of antisocial trajectories may positively influence interventions.

Which ethical issues arise regarding the use of biological information?

Various (ethical) issues could arise regarding the use of biological information in order to improve the outcomes of interventions, such as discrimination, equity of service provisions and stigma. However, biological information about children must be kept private and will not be used by others than the interventionists. It is up to society whether the potential benefits of using this information outweigh the possibility of harming one’s privacy.

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Article summary with The roles of shame and guilt in the development of aggression in adolescents with and without hearing loss by Broekhof a.o. - 2021

Article summary with The roles of shame and guilt in the development of aggression in adolescents with and without hearing loss by Broekhof a.o. - 2021

What is aggression and what does its developmental course look like?

Aggression is any form of behavior that has the goal of harming or injuring someone else. Two types of aggression based on underlying motives are:

  • Reactive aggression is a defensive response to perceived provocation or threat. It is accompanied by negative affective states, such as anger and frustration.

  • Proactive aggression is goal-oriented and motivated by the desire to obtain a desired outcome. It occurs in the absence of provocation and emotional arousal.

Engagement in aggression starts to emerge before the age of two and reaches a peak between the age of two and four. After that, aggression starts to gradually decrease as children learn to regulate their behavior.

How do adolescents with hearing loss differ with regards to aggression compared to adolescents without hearing loss?

Results show a higher incidence of aggression in adolescents with hearing loss. This could be due to a few reasons. Firstly, adolescents with hearing loss may be at higher risk for developing reactive aggression, because theWhaty more often attribute hostile intentions to others in benign social situations. Secondly, adolescents with hearing loss seem to infer that relationships are not always harmed by anger or aggression. Thirdly, adolescents with hearing loss may view aggressive behavior as a preferable option to obtain instrumental goals, since they don't attach the same level of negative consequences to anger and aggression.

What are shame and guilt and how do these emotions develop?

Shame focuses on the fear of being negatively evaluated by others. Guilt focuses on the responsibility for the harm caused to another. Children are not born with the ability to experience shame and guilt. These feelings usually arise after a moral transgression. The onset and development of these emotions depends on the acquisition of several cognitive skills:

  • A sense of self-awareness and the capacity to reflect on the self. This develops around two years of age.

  • Knowledge about social rules and the capacity to evaluate one's own behavior according to these standards. The development of this skill is highly dependent on input from the social environment, as children learn social rules via observation.

  • Perspective taking abilities. Around the age of four children have developed a basic understanding of others´ intentions, beliefs and desires.

How does the development of shame and guilt differ for children with hearing loss?

The acquisition of the cognitive skills for the experience of shame and guilt relies on input from the social world. Not being able to hear the interactions in the social world has several consequences. For instance, children with hearing loss are not able to overhear interactions to learn how others´ behaviors are evaluated. This may lead them to have less awareness of social rules and standards. Also, children with hearing loss tend to have difficulties with perspective taking, as this development is highly reliant on verbal interactions.

How do the relations between shame and guilt and aggression develop during childhood and adolescence?

An important predictor of aggression is whether children and adolescents anticipate positive or negative emotions following moral transgressions. Children around the age of four know that moral transgressions are wrong, but still only attribute positive feelings to themselves. In middle childhood, children have an increased focus on others´ emotions and perspectives and they start to anticipate shame and guilt. Throughout adolescence and early adulthood, negative emotion attributes become more frequent. The expectation that one will experience negative emotions following a moral transgression turns aggression into a less desired behavioral alternative, while the expectation that one will experience positive emotions following a moral transgression is associated with higher levels of aggression.

How are feelings of shame related to aggression?

There are different results regarding the relationship between shame and aggression. In some studies, the mere anticipation of shame prevents aggressive behaviors, whereas in other studies, shame is related to higher levels of aggression. Distinguishing between reactive and proactive aggression may explain this difference. If shamed individuals feel judged and are worried about their image, they may react hostile and aggressive towards disapproving others to protect their self-esteem and increase their sense of superiority (increased reactive aggression). But, shame can also evoke a feeling of having harmed someone, and contribute to a decrease of proactive aggression.

How are feelings of guilt related to aggression?

Guilt has been found to be associated with lower levels of aggression. The anticipation that one's actions have negative consequences for others and the unpleasantness of guilt, makes it less likely that adolescents will behave aggressively. Especially, higher levels of guilt are linked to lower levels of proactive aggression.

What are the main findings of the study by Broekhof et. al. (2021) with regards to the relations between shame, guilt and the development of aggression in adolescents with and without hearing loss?

The main findings can be summarized as followed:

  • Reactive and proactive aggression declined throughout adolescence.

  • Higher levels of shame were related to increasing levels of reactive aggression over time.

  • Higher levels of guilt were related to decreasing levels of proactive aggression.

  • The developmental trend of aggression and its associations with shame and guilt apply to both adolescents with and without hearing loss.

  • Adolescents with hearing loss report higher levels of proactive aggression and lower levels of shame and guilt.

  • In adolescents with hearing loss, guilt peaked later in adolescence compared to adolescents without hearing loss.

What can be concluded about the level of social access of adolescents with hearing loss and their levels of aggression?

The level of social access did not seem to alter the role of shame and guilt on the development of aggression. Adolescents with hearing loss did not seem to be at risk for the development of reactive aggression, but they did show elevated levels of proactive aggression. The need for social learning is highlighted by this research, as adolescents with hearing loss reported lower levels of shame and guilt in general. Children and adolescents with hearing loss tend to be less aware of others´ perspectives and feelings, due to restricted access to the social world. They may not foresee the negative evaluations of others or negative emotional consequences as a result of aggressive behavior, making it less likely that they will experience shame and guilt.

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Article summary with Moral emotions and moral behavior by Tangney a.o. - 2007

Article summary with Moral emotions and moral behavior by Tangney a.o. - 2007

Introduction

A moral and constructive life is the weighted sum of many individual, morally relevant behaviors that are performed daily. However, this behavior is not always in line with moral standards. There can be several explanations for this:

  • Social psychological theory: there is no perfect link between intentions and behavior.

  • Field theory: individual behavior varies per situation, interpersonal negotiations can undermine the link between intention and behavior, and the spread of responsibility can undermine the ability to act according to one's own (deep-rooted) beliefs.

  • Ajzen's theory of planned behavior: attitudes, norms and perceived (emotional) control have an influence on behavioral intentions and subsequent behavior.

The link between moral standards and moral decisions and behavior is influenced by moral emotions. Moral standards are the knowledge and internalization of moral norms and conventions. These are determined by universal moral laws, but also by cultural regulations. Important in moral choices and behavior are the individual differences in anticipation and experience of moral emotions.

Moral emotions are used to understand why people follow moral standards in terms of behavior. Moral emotions are linked to the interests and well-being of society or other people. It provides motivation for doing good and avoiding evil.

Self-conscious emotions

Shame, guilt, embarrassment, and pride are called self-conscious emotions that arise through self-reflection and evaluation. Self-evaluation can be implicit or explicit and conscious or unconscious. In any case, the self (the person) is always the subject of self-conscious emotions. The emotions therefore provide direct reward or punishment as feedback on social and moral acceptability. Because of this, they have a strong influence on our moral choices and behavior. Emotion disposition is the tendency to experience a certain emotion. Shame susceptible individuals, for example, are more vulnerable to anticipatory and actual experiences of shame.

Shame and guilt

An attempt has been made to distinguish between shame and guilt in three ways:

  • Type of provocative events

  • Public versus private violations

  • Failure of yourself or of behavior

Research shows that the type of event cannot properly distinguish between shame and guilt. Some researchers state that shame arises after moral and non-moral offenses, while guilt is primarily associated with moral offenses. There is a "Big Three" ethics of morality, namely autonomy, community and divinity. Shame is mainly linked to violations of ethics of community and divinity, although this does not translate one-on-one to certain situations.

In addition, shame is often seen as a more public emotion, caused by public exposure and disapproval. Guilt is more a private emotion, arising from self-generated thoughts. However, empirical research does not support this distinction. Then why do we think this distinction exists? It appears that people in shame-inducing situations are more concerned about other's evaluations about themselves. In guilt situations people are more worried about the effect of their actions on others. Shame would therefore lead to a focus on itself (egocentric) and guilt on a specific behavior (others-oriented). Empirical research does support this distinction.

Both shame and guilt can lead to feeling intrapsychic pain. However, shame is more painful because one's core of self is affected. It can lead to the feeling of being 'small' and feelings of worthlessness and powerlessness. Guilt brings about a less painful experience, because it is about a specific behavior and not about core characteristics of the self. People who feel guilty think about their behavior and the consequences of it and this thinking leads to regret about the 'bad' action. Research shows that internal, stable and uncontrollable attributions for failure are positively related to shame, and internal, unstable and controllable attributions for failure are positively related to guilt.

Adaptive versus non-adaptive

Guilt is an adaptive emotion that benefits the individual and his or her relationships. However, shame is not adaptive. Shame leads to attempts to deny or escape the shame-inducing situation. This leads to increased levels of pro-inflammatory cytokine and cortisol. Guilt leads to remedial actions, such as confessions, apologies and undoing consequences. Although guilt therefore leads to constructive and proactive behavior, shame leads to defensive behavior, interpersonal separation and distance.

Guilt is also related to other-oriented empathy, because an action has led to negative consequences for another, while shame disrupts emphatic connections with others. Because of shame, people actually focus on themselves, so that they cannot address themselves to the other. Shame is positively correlated with anger, hostility and the tendency to look for factors outside of themselves in case of setbacks. Designating others as the cause of the guilt helps to feel in control, but it has negative long-term consequences for relationships with others. Guilt-prone people are less likely to end up in aggression and take responsibility faster, resulting in positive long-term consequences.

Vulnerability to shame is related to low self-confidence, depression, anxiety, eating disorders, PTSD and suicidal thoughts. Guilt is only related to psychological symptoms if it occurs along with shame. Problems can arise if you have an exaggerated or disturbed sense of responsibility for events beyond control or where you have no personal involvement. Guilt can lead to psychological problems. In addition, there is a positive relationship between internalizing symptoms and vulnerability to guilt in situations where responsibility is ambiguous.

Vulnerability to experience guilt is negatively related to antisocial and risky behavior. The chance of arrests and the use of drugs and alcohol is lower and the chance of safe sex is higher. Guilt vulnerability therefore has a protective function. In addition, shame-vulnerability is positively correlated with externalizing symptoms and can lead to illegal behavior, early drug and alcohol use and higher chances of unsafe sex. However, this link does not apply to all populations and all behaviors.

New study

Shame vulnerability is described in three ways:

  • The tendency to experience shame in different situations

  • Frequent or continuous experience of global shame, not necessarily related to specific events

  • Chronic feeling of shame about certain behaviors or traits

Little research has been conducted into how people deal with shame and guilt. However, various instruments have been developed to measure individual differences in coping with shame: Compass of Shame Scale (COSS-4), TOSCA and Self-Report Psychopathy Scale (SRPS).

People who have elevated levels of shame also appear to have elevated pro-inflammatory cytokine activity. Shame, but not guilt, is a predictor of immune-related response. In addition, it appears that there is more shame in situations of negative social evaluations and rejection, which increases activity in the cortisol and pro-inflammatory systems. Increased cardiovascular reactivity may also be associated with shame.

Victims of abuse or trauma often experience feelings of shame. This is especially present in child abuse, because this is often kept secret and hidden. Severe punitive parenting is also associated with helplessness and self-blame. Physical and sexual abuse in childhood is related to physical shame and shame about the traumatic event. Internalizing shame is related to unwanted sexual experiences. Vulnerability to shame is associated with a history of emotional abuse and shameful practices of parents. In addition, shame after sexual abuse can lead to depression and PTSD. Abuse-specific shame appears to be stable over time. People who have told about their abuse express their shame more verbally, while people who have not told about their abuse express their shame more non-verbally.

In addition to the self-aware emotions of guilt and shame, there is also 'substitute' or 'group-based' guilt and shame. These are feelings that are experienced in response to violations or failures of other people. Personal causality is therefore not a requirement for the experience of guilt or shame. Personal guilt and shame has many similarities with group-based guilt and shame. Group-based shame mainly occurs when there are concerns about maintaining the positive group identity. Substitute guilt is more common when someone has an interpersonal relationship with the perpetrator and when relationship-based concerns are increased by damage to another group or individual.

With ambiguous information about the violations of group members, people who identify with the group take advantage of this and report less substitute shame or group-based debt compared to people who identify less with the group because they themselves are less threatened. Just like personal guilt experiences, group-based guilt is also associated with empathy and motivation to restore relationships. In substitute group-based shame, there is a desire to remove oneself from the shame-inducing event. The link between anger and substitute shame also remains. 

Embarrassment

Embarrassment is less relevant to morality. It is an aversive state of mortification and sorrow after public social difficult situations. Possible causes are:

  • Normative public deficiencies. These are situations in which a person behaves in an awkward, absent or unhappy way

  • Uncomfortable social interaction

Situations that evoke embarrassment often indicate that something is wrong. This means that an aspect of yourself or your behavior must be carefully monitored, hidden or changed. Shy people behave in conciliatory ways to earn approval and inclusion. It can lead to the adoption of widely accepted moral standards or locally endorsed deviant acts. Embarrassment is associated with neuroticism, high levels of negative feelings, self-awareness and fear of negative evaluation from others. People who are susceptible to shyness are also more sensitive to peer pressure.

Moral pride

Pride is generated by the assessment that someone is responsible for a socially valued outcome or that someone is a socially valued person. It improves self-confidence and leads to more behavior in line with social standards. It has a motivating function and rewards engagement with the ethics of autonomy, community and divinity. There are two types of pride: alpha pride (pride in yourself) and beta pride (pride in your behavior). Being proud of yourself can be maladaptive, because it can lead to bending situations to your own advantage, which can lead to interpersonal problems.

Moral emotions focused on others

Examples of moral emotions directed at others are elevation and gratitude. Those emotions are experienced after observing admirable actions of others, which is a motivation to start exhibiting admirable actions themselves.

Anger, contempt and disgust

Anger is a negative emotion which is often aimed at others, but it is not necessarily a moral emotion. It occurs in many situations, but especially when an event is seen as personally relevant, an obstacle to achieving personal goals and when an event is caused by someone else. Justice anger arises when the behavior of a perpetrator is a violation of a moral standard. The damage does not have to be personally experienced. Justice anger occurs primarily in violations of the ethics of autonomy. It can motivate bystanders to take action to correct the injustice.

Disregard and disgust arise with negative evaluations of others, whereby disregard is primarily linked to violations of the ethics of community and disgust to violations of the ethics of divinity.

Elevation

Elevation is a positive emotion that is evoked when others behave in a virtuous and praiseworthy way. It can lead to a warm, pleasant and tingling sensation in the chest, where one is open to others and feels motivated to help others and become a better person.

Gratitude

Gratitude is a positive moral emotion. It is a reaction to the benevolence of others, which benefits one, especially if this is unexpected or detrimental to the person who gives it. It can lead to moral motivation in the recipient and stimulates helping behavior in the future. The people who get the most benefit from the experience and expression of gratitude are the grateful people themselves. People who feel gratitude have improved psychological resistance, physical health, quality of life and adaptive behavior.

Empathy

Empathy is an emotional process with implications for moral behavior. It is a shared emotional response between one person with another. It requires three skills:

  • The cognitive capacity to take a different perspective (so, you need to be able for Theory of Mind)

  • Cognitive ability to recognize and distinguish the feelings of others

  • Affective ability to feel many emotions

Empathy can lead to the desire to help others. It is different from sympathy, which is about the emotional state of the other, but not the substitute or shared experience of other people's emotions. There is a distinction between others-oriented empathy and self-oriented personal needs. During other-oriented empathy, you take on the perspective of someone else and you feel the same emotions. So, people focus on the experiences and needs of the other person and not on their own empathetic response. This leads to altruistic behavior, such as helping others without expecting anything in return. With self-oriented personal need one focuses on one's own feelings, needs and experiences. This leads to interference with prosocial behavior.

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Article summary with Dynamics of Affective Experience and Behavior in Depressed Adolescents by Sheeber - 2009

Article summary with Dynamics of Affective Experience and Behavior in Depressed Adolescents by Sheeber - 2009

Dynamics of affective experience and behavior in depressed adolescents

Unipolar depression disorders are an example of emotion regulation disorders. This disregulation is caused by two systems, namely the appetitive system and the aversive system. These systems determine the valence of affective states. Depression is associated with more activity and sensitivity to aversive emotional systems. These cause the appetitive emotional system to become less active and less sensitive. A person will experience more negative affect and reduced positive affect. Three factors that influence this experience are intensity, duration and frequency. Duration is associated with depression, especially when looking at maintaining positive affect and disruptive negative affect.

Depression is also associated with less activity in the left PFC. Targeted behavior is motivated by this area and this causes positive affect. The amygdala is more active in depressed adults and children. Reward related neural structures are less active.

Depressed people experience negative affect more intensely and positive affect less intensely. Depression is also associated with less intense immediate responses to positive and negative stimuli.

Adolescents are undergoing changes in affective competence and contextual challenges. This is why it is important to study development during this period. Literature focuses on disturbances in negative affect, but not on the dysregulation of positive affect. The hypothesis in this study is that depressed adolescents experience dysphoria and anger more frequently, more intensely and for a longer period of time. They will also experience less frequent, less intense and less long-term happiness. Various instruments and behavioral observations have been used to investigate this.

Methods

Participants and Measurements

Participants were 152 adolescents who do not take antidepressants, with ages between 14-18 and their parents. Participants were recruited through a school screening (CES-D) and an in-home diagnostic interview (K-SADS). Families who met the research criteria after the diagnostic interview were invited to participate in a lab assessment. During this assessment, use was made of questionnaires (AIM, PANAS-X, MEI / Child-MEI) and family interaction tasks (LIFE) that evoke happiness, anger or dysphoria.

Results

Experience

Depressed participants experience anger for longer. Depressed women experience dysphoria longer than healthy women. Depressed men experience dysphoria longer than healthy men. Healthy participants experience happiness for longer than depressed participants, according to the MEI, but not according to the observation data.

Frequency

Depressive participants experience anger more often than healthy participants. The difference between depressed and healthy adolescents is greater for women. Depressive participants experience dysphoria more often from healthy participants. Depressive participants experience happiness less often than healthy participants.

Intensity

Depressive participants experience anger more intensively than healthy participants. Depressive participants experience sadness more intensely compared to healthy participants.

Discussion

Various abnormalities were found in terms of duration, frequency and intensity of affect. Depressed participants experience anger longer. Depressed women experience dysphoria longer than healthy women. Data about happiness varies with different methods. These results are consistent with earlier work, because it is shown that depressed adolescents have difficulty retaining positive affect. Data about intensity is less solid, because observations are unreliable. Depressed women mainly experience more anger. In general, depressed adolescents experience more negative and sad affect. Experiencing less positive affect is not supported by the data found. The lack of observation data may reflect task limitations or self-report data may differ in how people remember and summarize their experiences, rather than the actual affective experience. This can cause the difference in data from observations and self-report measurements. In the future, studying the interpersonal context is also important because the family environment of depressed adolescents differs from the environment of healthy adolescents.

A limitation in this study is that relapse and recovery are not included. Affective disregulation has been studied, but this is a very broad term. The generalizability of this study is questionable because there is a lack of diversity in terms of race and ethnicity. Finally, the relationship between adolescents' responses and affective experience can be studied.

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Article summary with Rumination and Psychopathology: Are Anger and Depressive Rumination Differentially Associated with Internalizing and Externalizing Psychopathology? by Du Pont et al - 2018

Article summary with Rumination and Psychopathology: Are Anger and Depressive Rumination Differentially Associated with Internalizing and Externalizing Psychopathology? by Du Pont et al - 2018

Introduction

Rumination is the term for a pattern of repetitive, self-focused thoughts in response to an emotional state. Rumination has a big effect on someone's well-being. The more someone engages in rumination, the more likely it is that he or she will experience sadness, anger and have a poor sleep quality. Rumination is also linked to psychopathology. For example, people who ruminate often are more likely to develop major depression later in life, experience more anxiety symptoms and have more problems with alcohol abuse. 

Rumination is correlated to different forms of psychopathology. However, most studies have focused on depressive rumination. There is less known about other forms of rumination, such as anger rumination. There have been a few studies conducted and those show that as well anger as depression rumination are related to psychopathology. Ciesla, Dickson, Anderson and Neal found that anger rumination is linked to higher alcohol consumption in a week, but depressive rumination is not. Another study conducted by Baer and Sauer found that borderline personality disorder is linked more to anger rumination than to depressive rumination. 

Two other studies found that only anger rumination was associated with anger, overt aggression and relational aggression. Depressive rumination was linked to depressive symptoms and had a negative association with overt aggression. So, these studies suggest that different kinds of rumination (depressive or anger) may be differentially linked with psychopathology. However, the studies that have been conducted have only focused on individual outcomes or discrete disorders (depression) instead on looking at the transdiagnostic relations between the different subtypes of rumination. A transdiagnostic approach means that common features are examined (so, shared genes or temperament) which divide general psychopathology from normality and contribute to internalizing psychopathology (major depressive disorder, generalized anxiety disorder) and externalizing psychopathology (antiosocial personality disorder, substance use disorder). 

Because the correlations within internalizing and externalizing psychopathology are higher than the correlations between them, this shows that there is indeed a distinction between these kinds of psychopathology. By examining broad-band specific features (features that differentiate between internalizing and externalizing psychopathology), this can help to understand why some individuals are at a higher risk for internalizing disorders than externalizing disorders and vice versa.

The current study

In this study, it is predicted that anger and depressive rumination are best described by two correlated factors, instead of being just one factor (so, it are two separate things). The researchers then looked at whether focusing on the process versus on the content has implications for understanding internalizing and externalizing psychopathology. 

Based on previous transdiagnostic research on depressive rumination, the authors of the article hypothesized that depressive and anger rumination would be associated with both internalizing and externalizing psychopathology.  They also thought that the degree to which an individual ruminates, was associated with more psychopathology. In addition, they expected that the emotional focus of the rumination (sadness versus anger) would be differentially associated with psychopathology. They also expected that depressive rumination would lead to internalizing psychopathology and that anger rumination would lead to externalizing psychopathology such as aggression and hostility. 

During their analyses, they allowed for gender differences in the relationship between depressive rumination, anger rumination and psychopathology. This was done because in previous research, higher levels of depressive rumination had been found in woman compared to in men. However, the literature suggests that there would be no gender differences in anger rumination. There have also been gender differences reported in psychopathology: internalizing disorders are more prevalent in women and externalizing disorders are more prevalent in men. Other studies have shown that gender moderates the relation between rumination and alcohol problems: rumination predicts alcohol problems later in life, only in women! Based on these findings, the authors of this article have decided to include gender as a potential moderator.

Method

Participants

The participants in this study were 764 young adults, from 382 same-sex twin pairs. These twin pairs participated in the Colorado Longitudinal Twin Study (LTS).

Measures

Depressive rumination

The participants in the study completed two measures of depressive rumination: the Rumination-Reflection Questionnaire (RRQ) and the 10-item revised version of the Ruminative Response Scale (RRS). The RRS is a 24-item scale which measures rumination (RRQ-Ru) and reflection (RRQ-Re) on a scale from 1 (strongly disagree) to 5 (strongly agree). The RRQ-Ru measures negative self-focused thoughts and the RRQ-Re measures self-reflection.

Anger rumination

The Anger Rumination Scale (ARS) is a 19-item scale which is designed to measure the cognitions (thoughts) that emerge during and after an anger episode. The items in the ARS are rated on a scale from 1 (almost never) to 4 (almost always). These items are also divided into four subscales: angry afterthoughts ("I re-enact the anger episode in my mind after it has happened), thoughts of revenge ("I have long living fantasies of revenge after the conflict is over"), angry memories ("I think about certain events from a long time ago) and understanding causes ("I think about the reasons people treat me badly"). 

Psychopathology

Participants completed the major depressive disorder (MDD), generalized anxiety disorder (GAD) and antisocial personality disorder (ASPD) from the Diagnostic Interview Schedule-IV. This interview was designed to diagnose the major psychiatric disorders which are in the DSM-IV.

Relations of rumination with psychopathology

Are depressive and anger rumination both associated with internalizing and externalizing psychopathology?

Yes. All the correlations between rumination and psychopathology were significant, which means that both forms of rumination are associated with more psychopathology.

Are depressive and anger rumination differentially associated with internalizing and externalizing psychopathology?

Yes. The correlation between depressive rumination was higher with internalizing psychopathology than with externalizing psychopathology.  Aggressive rumination is associated equally with both forms of psychopathology.

Are internalizing or externalizing psychopathology equally associated with anger and depressive rumination?

Yes. Anger rumination and depressive rumination were associated equally with externalizing psychopathology in both men and women.

Discussion

So, the results of this study suggest that both anger and depressive rumination are associated with internalizing and externalizing psychopathology. Depressive rumination is more strongly associated with internalizing psychopathology compared to anger rumination. 

Anger and depressive rumination are two common characteristics of psychopathology, but it is still important to look at their independent associations with internalizing and externalizing psychopathology. The results of this study also support a two-factor model of anger and depressive rumination. Addressing both the process and emotional content of rumination is important in clinical practice and research. And, because ruminative thought processes are a common feature of psychopathology, this should be a key target in clinical treatments.

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Summaries per article with Clinical Child and Adolescent Psychology at Leiden University 23/24

Summaries per article with Clinical Child and Adolescent Psychology at Leiden University 23/24

Article summaries with Clinical Child and Adolescent Psychology at Leiden University

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Summaries per article with Clinical Child and Adolescent Psychology at Leiden University 21/22

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Update: added summaries

Update - Summaries with the following articles were added to this study guide:

  • Comparison of sadness, anger, and fear facial expressions when toddlers look at their mothers by Buss & Kiel - 2004
  • Awareness of Single and Multiple Emotions in High-functioning Children with Autism by Rieffe a.o. - 2007
  • Children's emotional development: Challenges in their relationships to parents, peers, and friends by Von Salisch - 2001

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