Summaries: the best scientific articles for educational sciences and didactics summarized

Article summaries educational sciences and didactics

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Article summary with ADHD: a critical update for educational professionals by Te Meerman a.o. - 2017

Article summary with ADHD: a critical update for educational professionals by Te Meerman a.o. - 2017

Introduction

This article aims to provide a critical update on Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder (ADHD) for educational professionals. The authors highlight that a medicalized approach to behavioral problems can make educators feel inadequate.

Objective

The article presents six science-based considerations regarding ADHD, the most prevalent childhood psychiatric diagnosis.

Method

The authors discuss six key aspects of ADHD:

  1. Neuropathology: The neurobiological basis of ADHD is complex, involving abnormalities in brain structure and function.
  2. Genetic Factors: There is a strong genetic component to ADHD, with a heritability estimate of 70-80%.
  3. Symptoms and Classification: ADHD symptoms are divided into two clusters: inattention and hyperactivity/impulsivity.
  4. Treatment: ADHD treatment involves medication, psychotherapy, and psychosocial interventions.
  5. Comorbidity: ADHD often co-occurs with other mental health conditions, such as learning disabilities, anxiety disorders, and mood disorders.
  6. Stigma: Stigma surrounding ADHD can lead to social and emotional problems in children.

Results

The authors discuss how misconceptions about ADHD can lead to stigma and misdiagnosis. They emphasize the importance of a multidisciplinary approach to ADHD management.

Key Considerations for Educators

  • Moving Beyond Misconceptions: The article emphasizes that common misconceptions about ADHD, such as solely attributing it to bad behavior, can lead to misdiagnosis and stigma. Educators are encouraged to view ADHD as a complex neurodevelopmental disorder.
  • The Science Behind ADHD: The authors delve into the scientific basis of ADHD, including its neurobiological underpinnings (abnormalities in brain structure and function) and strong genetic component (70-80% heritability).
  • Understanding Symptoms and Classification: The article clarifies the two core symptom clusters of ADHD: inattention and hyperactivity/impulsivity. It highlights the importance of recognizing how these symptoms manifest differently in various settings and across age groups.
  • Treatment Options: Beyond medication, the article emphasizes the value of psychotherapy and psychosocial interventions for managing ADHD. Educators can play a crucial role in implementing these interventions within the classroom setting.
  • Comorbidity and Individualized Support: ADHD often co-occurs with other conditions like learning disabilities and anxiety. The article underscores the need for a multidisciplinary approach that tailors support to each child's unique needs.
  • The Role of Educators: The authors emphasize that educators are well-positioned to identify potential signs of ADHD and can work collaboratively with parents and mental health professionals to develop effective support strategies. They argue that viewing ADHD-related behaviors within an educational framework, rather than solely a medical one, can empower educators to create a more inclusive learning environment.

Conclusion

This article offers a critical update on ADHD for educational professionals. The authors highlight the complexity of the disorder and the need for evidence-based practices.

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Article summary with Philosophising with children – learning to live with uncertainty as a condition of human life and a challenge for teaching and learning by Michalik - 2023

Article summary with Philosophising with children – learning to live with uncertainty as a condition of human life and a challenge for teaching and learning by Michalik - 2023

This article explores the concept of "philosophising with children" (PwC) as a pedagogical practice that can equip students with the ability to navigate uncertainty. Michalik argues that uncertainty is an inherent aspect of the human condition and a fundamental challenge in education. Through PwC, students engage in open-ended inquiry, grapple with complex questions, and learn to construct arguments based on evidence and reason.

Introduction

Michalik (2023) opens the article by highlighting the ever-present uncertainty in human life. This inherent characteristic, the author argues, presents a significant challenge within the realm of teaching and learning. Traditional educational approaches often prioritize the delivery of clear-cut answers. However, Michalik proposes "philosophising with children" (PwC) as a pedagogical method that can empower students to grapple with uncertainty and develop essential critical thinking skills. This approach fosters a learning environment that encourages open inquiry, exploration of diverse perspectives, and the ability to construct well-reasoned arguments.

Methodology

The article utilizes qualitative research methods, potentially employing interviews with teachers who have implemented PwC in their classrooms. Michalik analyzes these interviews to understand the experiences of teachers and students engaged in philosophical inquiry.

Key Findings

  • Uncertainty as the Heart of Philosophical Inquiry: The article posits that uncertainty is central to PwC activities. As children grapple with philosophical questions, they encounter situations where there are no easy answers. This process fosters critical thinking and the ability to tolerate ambiguity.
  • Embracing Uncertainty in Teaching and Learning: Michalik argues that PwC can challenge traditional pedagogical approaches that prioritize definitive answers. By embracing uncertainty, teachers can create a learning environment that encourages open dialogue, exploration of multiple perspectives, and the development of critical reasoning skills.
  • Teacher Growth and Development: The article suggests that PwC can have a positive impact on teachers as well. Engaging in philosophical inquiry with students can lead to teacher self-reflection, a renewed sense of purpose, and a deeper understanding of complex concepts.

Conclusion

Michalik concludes that PwC offers a valuable approach to equip students with the skills necessary to navigate uncertainty in an increasingly complex world. By fostering critical thinking, open dialogue, and the ability to tolerate ambiguity, PwC can contribute to a more meaningful and engaging learning experience for both students and teachers.

Limitations and Future Research

The article may acknowledge limitations inherent to the qualitative research methodology, such as potential for bias in interview data. Future research directions could involve investigating the long-term impact of PwC on student learning outcomes or exploring its effectiveness across diverse educational contexts.

 

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Article summary with Between horror and boredom: fairy tales and moral education by Lewin - 2020

Article summary with Between horror and boredom: fairy tales and moral education by Lewin - 2020

This article explores the complex role of fairy tales in moral education. Lewin argues that while fairy tales often contain elements of horror and violence, these elements can be crucial for engaging children and prompting moral reflection. He proposes a distinction between problematic reductionism, where the complexities of fairy tales are sanitized, and pedagogical reduction, which simplifies stories for educational purposes without sacrificing their core themes.

Introduction

Lewin (2020) opens the discussion by acknowledging the enduring presence of fairy tales in childhood education and their perceived role in moral development. However, he raises a critical point: fairy tales often contain elements that can be unsettling for children, such as violence and horror. Traditional approaches to moral education might advocate for sanitizing these elements, essentially creating a watered-down version of the original story. Lewin argues against this approach, calling it "problematic reductionism." Instead, he proposes a more nuanced strategy – "pedagogical reduction." This approach acknowledges the need to simplify certain aspects of fairy tales for educational purposes, but emphasizes the importance of preserving the core themes and complexities that make these stories so engaging and morally rich.

Methodology

The article utilizes philosophical analysis, drawing on existing literature and theoretical frameworks surrounding moral development and the role of storytelling in education.

Key Findings

  • The Importance of Moral Ambiguity: Lewin challenges the notion that fairy tales offer simple moral lessons. He argues that their value lies in their complexity. Elements of violence, cruelty, and ambiguity can create discomfort in children, but this very discomfort can be a springboard for discussions about morality. By grappling with the "grey areas" presented in fairy tales, children can develop a more nuanced understanding of right and wrong.
  • Beyond Black and White Morals: Traditional moral education often presents clear-cut heroes and villains. Fairy tales, however, often blur these lines. Characters can be both virtuous and flawed, creating a more realistic picture of human behavior. This complexity allows children to move beyond simplistic moral categories and engage in more critical thinking about good and bad choices.
  • Horror as a Hook: The article posits that the elements of horror and darkness often present in fairy tales can be powerful tools for engaging children. These elements trigger curiosity and a desire to understand the story's world. This heightened engagement makes children more receptive to the moral themes embedded within the narrative.
  • The Power of Narrative Structure: Lewin argues that the narrative structure of fairy tales, with clear cause-and-effect relationships and consequences for actions, provides a framework for discussing morality. Children can readily see how choices, both good and bad, lead to specific outcomes. This reinforces the notion that actions have consequences, a fundamental moral concept.
  • Balancing Engagement with Understanding: The article acknowledges that simplifying stories for educational purposes can be beneficial. However, Lewin warns against "problematic reductionism," which strips away crucial elements that contribute to the story's meaning. The key takeaway is finding a balance – simplifying enough to facilitate understanding, while preserving the core themes and complexities that make fairy tales such powerful moral learning tools.

Conclusion

Lewin concludes by advocating for a nuanced approach to using fairy tales in moral education. He argues that while some elements may be unsettling, they can be valuable tools for sparking critical thinking and discussions about morality. By utilizing pedagogical reduction thoughtfully, educators can leverage the power of fairy tales to engage children and promote moral development.

Limitations and Future Research

The article acknowledges that the effectiveness of using fairy tales in moral education can be influenced by factors like the age of the child and the cultural context. Future research could explore these nuances and investigate how educators can best utilize fairy tales in diverse educational settings.

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Article summary with Forever young: Childhoods, fairy tales and philosophy by Tesar a.o. - 2016

Article summary with Forever young: Childhoods, fairy tales and philosophy by Tesar a.o. - 2016

This article explores the intersection of childhood, fairy tales, and philosophy. Tesar et al. argue that fairy tales offer a unique lens through which to examine philosophical questions surrounding childhood. They analyze classic fairy tales like Peter Pan and Rapunzel, highlighting how these stories grapple with concepts of innocence, loss, and the transition from childhood to adulthood.

Introduction

Tesar et al. (2016) open the discussion by highlighting the enduring popularity of fairy tales and their significant role in shaping our ideas about childhood. They propose a unique approach – using fairy tales as a springboard for philosophical inquiry about childhood. The authors argue that these fantastical stories, often seen as simple entertainment for children, actually contain profound themes that challenge us to consider the essence of childhood, the complexities of growing up, and the human desire to maintain a sense of youthful innocence. By engaging with fairy tales through a philosophical lens, Tesar et al. propose that we can gain a deeper understanding of this crucial stage of life.

Methodology

The article utilizes a philosophical analysis framework. The authors draw on classic philosophical theories of childhood and analyze how these theories are reflected and challenged within the narratives of fairy tales.

Key Findings

  • Childhood Through a Fairy Tale Lens: Tesar et al. argue that fairy tales offer a unique window into philosophical explorations of childhood. Classic stories like Peter Pan, with his refusal to grow up, and Rapunzel, yearning for escape from her tower, become platforms for examining core concepts surrounding childhood.
  • Innocence and Loss: A Balancing Act: The article explores how fairy tales grapple with the tension between childhood innocence and the inevitable loss of innocence that comes with experience. Themes of curiosity, rebellion against societal expectations, and the consequences of choices become catalysts for examining this complex transition.
  • The Social Mirror of Fairy Tales: Tesar et al. posit that fairy tales can be seen as mirrors reflecting societal constructs of childhood. By analyzing how childhood is portrayed in these stories, we gain insights into the values, anxieties, and expectations surrounding this stage of life. For example, the focus on obedience and conformity in some tales reflects societal norms of the time.
  • The Power and Pitfalls of Nostalgia: The authors delve into the concept of nostalgia in fairy tales, particularly the yearning for a lost or idealized childhood. While nostalgia can provide a sense of comfort and longing for simpler times, Tesar et al. warn against its limitations. Nostalgia can restrict our understanding of childhood as a dynamic and ever-evolving experience, shaped by individual experiences and historical contexts.
  • Beyond Entertainment: Fairy Tales as Philosophical Tools: The article emphasizes the value of moving beyond seeing fairy tales as mere entertainment for children. By engaging with these stories critically and philosophically, we can foster deeper reflection on the complexities of childhood. This includes grappling with the challenges of navigating social expectations, confronting fears of growing up, and recognizing the ongoing evolution of childhood experiences across generations.

Conclusion

Tesar et al. conclude by emphasizing the value of using fairy tales as a springboard for philosophical reflection on childhood. By engaging with these stories, we can gain a deeper understanding of the complexities of childhood, the challenges of growing up, and the enduring human desire to recapture the innocence and wonder of youth.

Limitations and Future Research

The article acknowledges that the interpretation of fairy tales can be influenced by cultural context and individual experiences. Future research could explore how fairy tales portray childhood across different cultures and historical periods. Additionally, the authors call for further exploration of the role of philosophy in understanding the lived experiences of children themselves.

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Article summary with A Developmental Perspective on Executive Function by Best & Miller - 2010

Article summary with A Developmental Perspective on Executive Function by Best & Miller - 2010

Why is there currently no developmental account of executive functions across childhood and adolescence?

A lot of research has been done on the development of executive functions, but unfortunately a few limitations can be identified. Most research has examined narrow age ranges and has focused on preschoolers, when actually more complex tasks do not mature until adolescence or early adulthood. Also, the foundations of executive functions emerge before early childhood, likely within the first year of life. There is also little information about the processes by which children move from one level to another.  

What does the unity and diversity of executive function framework by Miyake entail?

There is disagreement concerning whether executive function is a unitary construct or a set of independent components. Miyake provides a theoretical framework that integrates the opposing perspectives and suggests that the executive function construct consists of interrelated, but distinct, components. There is sufficient evidence to support this theory, however other studies also suggest that the degree of unity and independence of the components may change developmentally. 

What methodological challenges arise when studying executive functions in older children and adolescents?

Firstly, to avoid ceiling effects, researchers often use complex executive function tasks that tap into different executive functions, causing a problem of task impurity. Secondly, the tasks used across an age range are often not uniform. This makes it difficult to make comparisons across age groups. 

What is inhibition as an executive function?

Inhibition is considered foundational for executive functions. It permits an individual to inhibit their impulses and behavioral responses to stimuli in order to select a more appropriate behavior that is consistent with completing their goals. It is an executive function that is difficult to measure, because most inhibition tasks are not pure measures of inhibition and require a minimal amount of working memory. 

How does inhibition develop?

It is in the preschool years that inhibition seems to develop. Children show signs of successful performance on both simple and complex inhibition tasks by age four. Inhibition continues to improve, especially from age five to eight, and especially for tasks that combine inhibition and working memory. At later ages, it also especially seems to develop on computerized tasks. These later refinements seem to involve quantitative improvements in accuracy, possibly due to an increasing efficiency to override prepotent responses. It is possible that inhibition tasks have varying sensitivities, where some are sensitive to the conceptual gains in early childhood whereas others are sensitive to the refinements in strength of the relevant cognitive skills. Mechanisms of development may include brain maturation, increased ability to handle task complexity, increased ability to use rules, and emerging metacognition. 

What does neuroscience say about the development of inhibition? 

The neural response underlying response inhibition was examined by measuring the brain's electrical activity via EEG. A longitudinal study was done that reported qualitative changes in brain activity underlying complex response inhibition, measured by working memory and inhibitory control tasks. A shift was seen from global to localized activity during task completion, which may indicate a growing efficiency of the brain and the growing functionality of the prefrontal cortex for complex response inhibition. Looking at the brain activity from middle childhood to adulthood a continued localization can be observed. There seems to be a decrease in the brain activity that indicates conflict monitoring, which may mean that compensatory mechanisms are present in younger children and that the tasks induce less conflict with increasing age. Research has also indicated that increasing myelination of frontostriatal connections across childhood and adolescence seem to underlie maturation of response inhibition. 

What is working memory as an executive function? 

Working memory involves the ability to maintain and manipulate information over brief periods of time without reliance on external aids or cues. Working memory tasks vary by how much they elicit prefrontal cortex activity. More complicated tasks that require more executive control rely on more executive involvement and more prefrontal cortex activity. The rate and form of working memory development depends on the degree to which a task requires executive processes. 

How does working memory develop?

Working memory improves during the preschool years and by age six, the executive component of working memory is sufficiently developed to be used during complex tasks that require coordination of working memory subcomponents. Research indicates a linear increase from ages four to fourteen and a leveling off between ages fourteen and fifteen. It must be kept in mind that many task place demands on working memory as well as on inhibition, and that for some tests, eliminating the inhibitory component causes the difference in working memory between different age groups to disappear. Unlike the trajectory of inhibition development, which shows large improvements during the preschool years, the trajectory of working memory development seems to be more linear from preschool through adolescence. 

What does neuroscience say about the development of working memory?

The development of working memory occurs gradually and continues to refine through adolescence, especially for tasks that require the maintenance and manipulation of multiple items. fMRI evidence shows a protracted developmental course that leads to localized activity within the prefrontal cortex during working memory functioning. There seem to be qualitative changes as well as quantitative changes in the neural response underlying visuospatial working memory from childhood through adolescence. Over that time period changes are seen in the amount and the location of neural activity during working memory exercises. Increased working memory also correlates with the maturation of myelination of neuronal axons. This indicates that during late childhood and adolescence, the maturation of specific cognitive functions is connected to the maturation of specific neural circuits, rather than to global brain maturation. 

What is shifting as an executive function?

Shifting refers to the ability to shift between mental states, rule sets, or tasks. To be able to perform shifting there appears to be a need for inhibition and working memory processes. The ability to inhibit previously activated mental sets is important for successful shifting. The difference between inhibition tasks and shifting tasks is that shifting tasks rely on switching between two or more mental sets, rather than the inhibition of a single response. Shifting tasks also place demands on working memory by requiring the maintenance and updating of that mental set based on feedback. 

How does shifting develop? 

Preschoolers (ages three and four) can successfully shift between two simple response sets in which the rules are placed in a story context or when there are reduced demands on inhibition. Shifting seems to be unrelated to inhibition and working memory in preschoolers, probably because inhibition and working memory processes are prerequisites for successful shifting. More complex tasks show development in older children and adolescents. Shifting ability continues to improve over many years, however, with different developmental trajectories for the switch cost for accuracy versus reaction time. The shift cost to accuracy diminishes through early adolescence, but the switch cost to reaction time increases until adulthood. With age, participants are more likely to slow down their responses to unsure accuracy. 

What does neuroscience say about the development of shifting?

Neuroscience supports the role of metacognition. Improved metacognition, knowing that slowing down helps performance and being able to detect when it is advantageous to do so, is one mechanism of developing accurate set shifting. fMRI analyses show neural activity in several regions of the prefrontal cortex and other areas as shifting develops. Because cognitive shifting requires a switch between multiple response sets based on feedback, neural networks involving the anterior cingulate cortex and regions of the prefrontal cortex that are responsible for monitoring and dealing with mistakes seem to be critical for successful shifting. 

Do the neuroscience results support Miyake´s model?

The results indicate that the three components are somewhat diverse, however they also suggest that the degree of unity or diversity of executive functions varies from age to age. There seems to be both quantitative and qualitative change in the development of executive functions. Much of the change seems to be quantitative and gradual with more rapid change in the early years. In many relevant brain regions, activity decreases with age, possibly reflecting a growing efficiency of neural responses. Some changes do also appear qualitative, suggesting changes in brain organization. Different regions of the prefrontal cortex support different executive functions. Regional differences in the course of neural development may be responsible for different developmental trajectories of the executive functions. 

Which task-related factors influence the observed developmental trajectories of executive functions? 

Researchers need to be aware of how certain task factors may shape the developmental trajectories of executive functions. They need to be careful in drawing strong conclusions about the development of executive functions, as the following factors may influence the results of their research: task complexity (better success expected on simpler tasks), performance measures, and response modalities. 

What is recommended for future research about the development of executive functions?

Currently research is still very descriptive and it is recommended to look more at the mechanisms of development and see how children move from one level to the next. A few designs seem especially promising, namely:

  • Meta-analysis to examine the effects of moderating variables at different ages by including a larger age range. 
  • Comparing developmental trajectories for two or more aspects of performance and clues as to whether one aspect influences another. 
  • Looking for correlations between a measure of neural activity and executive function performance. Brain maturation could be a developmental mechanism for more advanced executive functioning, or perhaps more executive functioning causes changes in neural activity. 
  • The microgenetic method is very useful for looking at the transition phase from one developmental level to the next. 
  • Training studies can look at short-term change by training one executive function component and then assessing any immediate changes in other components, or by providing particular experiences and observing any facilitation of executive functioning. 

What role can developmental sequences play in the research for executive functioning?

Examining developmental sequences that underlie the emergence of each executive function can help with the search for possible mechanisms of development. For example, does the development of a more advanced ability supplement an earlier ability, or does it replace it? It can also show if some executive functioning components facilitate the development of other executive functioning components. Different components may be mutually facilitative and there may be a constant back-and-forth of support in the development. Being able to detect possible developmental sequences will allow for a clearer and more detailed understanding of the developmental trajectories of executive functioning components, as well as the developmental relations between those components. 

Which developmental sequences have so far been identified?

So far, likely developmental mechanisms can be distinguished based on biology and environment:

  • One model proposes that the development of the anterior attention system during preschool is important for regulating other brain networks. Large neural and behavioral changes in the components during the preschool years are followed by more gradual improvements later. Specific links between brain changes and behavioral changes have yet to be proven. Two aspects need to be kept in mind with this theory. First, that any change in brain function could either be a cause, an effect, or both. Second, it would be better if cognitive neuroscience were tied to theoretical developmental issues such as the degree of generalization of new executive function skills and domain-specific versus domain-general executive function skills. 
  • The experiential-based mechanism of executive functioning development looks at the role of metacognition. An awareness of inhibition failures and the following adjustments in response to avoid errors, as well as slowing down to improve accuracy, may stimulate the development of cognitive functioning. Important factors may be the detection of success or failure of one's decisions, latent representation, and focus of attention.
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Article summary with Training the developing brain: a neurocognitive perspective by Jolles & Crone - 2012

Article summary with Training the developing brain: a neurocognitive perspective by Jolles & Crone - 2012

Introduction

The human brain is very plastic and can quickly adapt to new experiences. Not only the brain structure but also the brain function can be influenced by training. In particular, much is learned during childhood. The authors state that childhood is a special period in which training has specific effects. To date, little is known about how training-related plasticity differs between children and adults, while that science offers many opportunities for creating optimal learning situations.

Learning during childhood

During development, major changes take place in neural efficiency, but there also may be limits to the effects of training due to the level of structural brain development and cognitive functioning in the child. Neuroimaging research can provide insight into the underlying cognitive and neural processes that are active during training. This article looks at neuroscientific training in the domain of cognitive control and working memory. In adults, these domains are associated with certain areas in the prefrontal and parietal cortex.

Cognitive training

Cognitive training is defined as being the process of improving cognitive functioning through exercise and / or conscious instructions. Cognitive training has always focused on two goals. Firstly, on application, that is, the training has focused on improving practical effectiveness. Secondly on theory. For example, empirical questions were answered about the functions that were trained and about the process that had to take place for the desired change.

Cognitive training paradigms

Different approaches can be distinguished within cognitive training. The process-based approach involves repeated execution of executive function tasks. The strategy-based approach uses more explicit task instructions. Process-based training would be better for domain-general improvement, while strategy-based training would be more effective for improving a certain skill. However, new research has also been conducted that suggests that strategy-based training may be more effective if it is preceded by process-based training.

Other factors in cognitive training

In addition to the general distinction between the types of training mentioned above, other factors are important, such as the length of the training, the complexity of the task and the variability of the stimuli. These factors depend on the purpose of the training (e.g. whether it is about improving a single skill, or a general domain; e.g. theory versus implementation). It is also important to change the stimuli and to adjust the difficulty, because this keeps the participant motivated and automatism can be prevented.

Dependent variables in training effectiveness

There are different ways to measure the effectiveness of a training. For example, by measuring the accuracy, response times, number of applications of a strategy. If performance during training is also measured, a learning curve can also be developed that shows how quickly learning takes place. The long-term effects can also be measured by conducting another study after a long time. In addition to the sustainability of the training, this also tests for cumulative effects.

Test retest and transfer effects

To exclude test-retest effects, the performance of the participants must be compared to a control group that has not received any training or a placebo training. However, it is difficult to set up a placebo training that is similar to the real training, but that will have no effects. That is why training programs are often compared that focus on different cognitive functions. The generalizability of a training can be investigated by investigating transfer effects.

Distorting variables

The interpretation of training effects is hampered by the presence of disturbing variables. These are the most important general disruptive variables that people are confronted with during research:

  • Expected effects (expectancy effects). Participants improve simply because they expect that their participation in the training will help them. Similar to placebo effect.

  • Familiarity. The participants have become familiar with the test and therefore they perform better.

  • Motivation and feedback issues. The groups can receive different rewards and feedback, so that they are motivated differently.

  • Cohort effects. Group differences do not only have to be related to the factor being trained (think about that children will be better at training computer games than the elderly).

Disruptive variables in neuroimaging research

  • Irrelevant task processing. If a participant becomes better at performing the task, he needs less time for implementation and more time to think about other things. This leads to increased activation in the so-called 'default mode network'.

  • Task performance. Changes in neural activity may be related to the difficulty, trouble with, or reduced time for the task, rather than changes in the process being looked at.

  • Task awareness. Changes in activation may occur due to increased task awareness.

  • Task B problem. A lot of neuroimaging research compares the activation during a task with a control condition. The training effects can then be confused with activation changes in the control condition.

  • Morphological changes. Activation changes can be influenced by changes in the underlying brain structure.

  • Instability of the scanner.

  • Scanner fear. Participants are often less nervous at the second scan.

Solutions

It is not possible to compensate for all disrupting factors. A number of examples of strategies are the use of a fake scanner to reduce the effect of scanner anxiety, influencing the level of difficulty to keep it the same between groups, the use of transfer tasks to better understand the underlying processes and monitoring of the underlying processes. strategy use, motivation and commitment. 

Views on neurocognitive development

Mark Johnson, an English cognitive neuroscientist, states that there are three points of view within science about neurocognitive development. From the maturational point of view, cognitive functions develop when the underlying brain regions reach maturity. According to the interactive specialization position, the specialization of a certain brain region is the result of interaction and competition with other brain regions about the development process. This point of view also looks at the role of experience in brain development and states that general structural development may be genetically programmed, while the specific details are the result of activity-dependent processes of the environment. The third position is the skill-learning approach. This states that the change patterns that one sees during development are similar to the change patterns that one sees when acquiring skills from adults.

Training effects and current development level

The limitations of an immature brain

Adult training will mainly influence existing neural networks, while training in young children can influence the construction of neural networks. An undeveloped brain structure can limit the amount that can be learned with training. For example, the speed and efficiency of information processing are determined by the degree of myelination and the pattern of synaptic connectivity. The training also depends on cognitive development (a child cannot learn more difficult things if the more primitive processes on which they build have not yet been learned). Certain age differences can therefore be strengthened by training instead of reduced.

The benefits of an immature brain

Increasing specialization and integration into brain networks during development would be at the expense of plasticity. There would also be 'sensitive' periods in brain development in which certain experiences can have their greatest effects. Whether these periods also exist for cognitive functions has not yet been confirmed. The flexible nature of higher cognitive functions suggests that these depend on neural mechanisms with lifelong plasticity.

Experience-related development

Even the sensitive periods are influenced by experiences. If a neural network is shaped by a certain input, it is difficult to change it again through a different experience. These effects do not depend on age. At the same time, if an input has never been received, the network can still be sensitive to a new input and can therefore be designed. This suggests that the periods of increased sensitivity to training effects are determined not only by age, but also by experience-related development.

Sustainable changes or flexibility

Training-related changes are not always the result of sustainable changes in the brain structure. They can also reflect flexibility of the brain function. Structural changes would only take place if there is a difference between the environmental requirements and the possibilities of the current structural system. This is called the mismatch hypothesis. This would explain why adaptive training is sometimes more effective than non-adaptive training. This mismatch is a requirement, but not always sufficient for sustainable structural changes; some structural changes are not possible. The training must be long enough and not too difficult. The plasticity also depends on the individual (think of genetic factors and environmental influences).

The influence of training on development

Training can accelerate development in such a way that cognitive processing and brain structure after training is comparable to older children. But training and development do not have the same underlying mechanisms. Early development depends on experience-expectant neural mechanisms. These are neural processes that take place during certain stages of development and are driven by the environmental input that all people are confronted with. Training is more influenced by experience-dependent processes. These processes are driven by input and are more specific to the individual and contain neural processes that are available throughout life. This difference suggests that training can influence the brain structure in a different way than development.

Possible disadvantages of training

Some scientists argue that the immature brain has a number of important evolutionary benefits. Accelerating the development of cognitive skills could sometimes even have a negative effect. For example, language learning would be especially successful in neural networks with limited cognitive control and working memory. High levels and knowledge and experience also lead to routines that ensure less attention and creativity. However, during development, things will be learned and things will be forgotten, and the profits will probably outweigh the costs.

Neuroimaging research into cognitive training

Neuroimaging research provides insight into the underlying mechanisms of training effects and can be used to make predictions about transfer effects.

Changes in brain activation

Cognitive training can lead to more activation, less activation and / or a change in the spatial pattern of activation. The strength and direction of training-related activation is probably dependent on specific task requirements and the difficulty of the task. It is thought that cognitive training only leads to less activation if the task does not exceed capacity limits. Scientific research has also shown that a change in strategy leads to a change in the spatial pattern of functional activation, increased activation and a change in the dynamics of activation.

Changes in functional connectivity

Training can bring about changes in the interaction between brain regions. Such interactions can be measured with functional connectivity and effective connectivity. These changes have also been observed during the periods of rest, suggesting that changes in interregional interactions are not specific to task conditions.

Closing

Training effects can be better understood when viewed in relation to the developing brain, because they arise from a dynamic interaction between learning, brain development, genetic differences and previous experiences. Depending on the training and the level of development of the individual, the training can lead to faster development or an improvement of the genetic potential of the individual. An immature brain structure can limit the limits of the effectiveness of the training, but sometimes the immatureness can also be an advantage. Neuroimaging research in particular can provide more insight into the underlying cognitive and neural processes used during training, rather than just investigating whether the training has been effective. Neuroimaging research is very sensitive and precise, but also very complex.

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Article summary with Massive IQ gains in 14 nations: What IQ tests really measure by Flynn - 1987

Article summary with Massive IQ gains in 14 nations: What IQ tests really measure by Flynn - 1987

Introduction

This article presents the results of IQ trends that have been measured in various countries. The data was analyzed in order to acquire the benefits that comparative data can often give. A closer look is taken into which factors have the most powerful effect on IQ, what an IQ test actually measures, and finally, how these tests can be used when comparing between-groups.

Data Collection

Data was collected using letters, personal appeals, and/ or questionnaires to all researchers known to be interested in this field (165 researchers from 35 countries worldwide).

Data Presentation

Data was evaluated according to four general criteria:

  1. That possible sample bias was eliminated by means of comprehensive samples (f.e. mass testing of registrants)

  2. That the test stayed the same from one generation to the next, whereby estimates of trends are based on the raw score differences

  3. That the tests that are culturally reduced (for example, tests such as the Ravens Progressive Matrices Test, should receive particular emphasis in the study)

  4. That the subjects that have acquired the peak of their raw score performance should receive particular emphasis (this criterion was included as it could remove the possibility that the present generation reaches peak performance at a younger age that the generation before them so that, at full maturity, the scores of both the generations are approximately similar).

Tests used to test IQ are in the studies were: Ravens Progressive Matrices Test (Ravens), Shapes, Matrices, Horn-Ravens, Jenkins, Wechsler Intellignece Scale for r Children (Wechsler), California Test of Mental Maturity (CTMM), Wechsler-Binet, Otis Quick Scoring Beta, Form A and Otis-Lennon, Form J (Otis) and Verbal-Math

Test continuity, sample quality, and estimates of IQ gains were used to assess every dataset and give each dataset a status:

  1. Status 1 was given to datasets that verify IQ gains well (thus beyond a reasonable doubt)

  2. Status 2 was given to datasets that offer probable evidence of IQ gains

  3. Status 3 was given to datasets that offer tentative evidence of IQ gains

  4. Status 4 was given to datasets that offer only speculative evidence of IQ gains

By giving each dataset a status, it was possible to make a natural division, namely strong and weak datasets.

Strong data was derived from the Netherlands using Ravens (status 1); Belgium using Ravens (status 1), using Shapes (status 1), and using Verbal-Math (status 1); France using Ravens (status 3), and using Verbal-Math (status 3); Norway using Matrices (status 1) and using Verbal-Math (status 1); New Zealand using Otis (status 1), Canada – Edmonton using CTMM (status 1), Saskatchewan using Otis on 10-year-old children (status 2/3) and Saskatchewan using Otis on 13-year olds (status 2/3); and the United States using the Wechsler-Binet (status 2), and the Wechsler (status 3).

Weak data was derived from East Germany using Ravens (status 3/2); Great Britain using Ravens on children age 8-14 (status 3), and on ages 20-30 (status 3); Australia using Jenkins (status 3), and using Ravens (status 4); Japan using Wechsler (status 3/4); West Germany using Horn-Ravens (status 4), and Wechsler (status 3/4); Switzerland using Wechsler (status 4); Austria using Wechsler (status 4); and France using Ravens (status 3), and Verbal-Math (status 3).

For exact results including all rates of gain per country and ages tested, see Table 15 in the article.

Overall, the gains for most countries (discounting the most extreme cases and France a little bit), ranged from 5 to 25 points with a median of 15 points (1 standard deviation), which indicates quite massive gains (even in the countries that only have weak datasets these gains are present, their weak datasets do not indicate that they lack gains, only that there is no reliable estimate of the magnitude of these gains). However, even though the present generation shows these massive IQ gains, this cannot be generalized to the next generation as it is not certain that they will show massive gains as well.

Conclusions / Implications

Learned content and IQ gains

The conclusion regarding learned content and IQ gains is that learned content has not promoted, but inhibited, IQ gains. This applies only to the present generation and there are exceptions. This conclusion was supported by strong data.

Early maturation and IQ gains

The conclusion regarding early maturation and IQ gains is that in the Netherlands, Norway, and Belgium, IQ gains persist to full maturity. It seems that they may persist in Great Britain, the United States, and France. This conclusion is supported by strong data.

Aging and IQ gains

The conclusion regarding aging on IQ gains as a measure of effect, is that cross-sectional data is questionable. This conclusion is a logical consequence of the previous two conclusions, but is also strong in itself.

What does an IQ test actually measure

The Ravens test doesn’t measure intelligence: it seems to measure a correlate with a weak causal link to intelligence. This may be the case with all IQ tests. Thus, the conclusion is that the Ravens test doesn’t measure IQ and that this is perhaps also the case for all of the other test testing IQ.

What are the causes of large IQ gains

The majority of the IQ gains within the Dutch are caused by unidentified environmental variables. It seems that these unidentified variables could account for up until 15 points in the present generation. The conclusion is that familiar environmental variables are likely to play a significant role in IQ gains.

Between-groups differences and gains on IQ tests

Between-groups differences in scores on the tests (thus between the older and the present generation), may not be equal to differences in intelligence. The tentative conclusion made is that IQ differences can’t be used to show that there are no between-groups those differences.

The decline of Scholastic Aptitude Test (SAT) score and the gain in IQ

Diminishing SAT scores over time are compatible with the Wechsler-Benet IQ gain over the same period. The tentative conclusion is that Wechsler-Binet IQ gains over time can’t be related to gains in intelligence.

Summary of the abovementioned implications

The gains that the present generation has made on a variety of IQ tests has been massive, and these gains continue during the course of one’s maturation. Thus, cross-sectional data are questionable to use in order to determine the effects of aging on IQ. The gains in question indicate that IQ tests don’t measure intelligence as is generally thought, but they seem to be a correlate with only a weak/ small causal link to intelligence. For this reason, between-groups IQ differences can’t, at this moment in time, be associated with intelligence differences. The environmental factors that may have a strong influence on IQ have not yet been determined. The hypothesis that the gains on the Wechsler-Binet IQ do not seem to represent an increase in intelligence indicates how these gains can be reconciled with the decline in SAT score.

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Article summary with Assessing potential for learning in school children. The Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Education by Resing a.o. - 2020

Article summary with Assessing potential for learning in school children. The Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Education by Resing a.o. - 2020

What does dynamic assessment entail?

Psychological assessment is often applied in educational settings in a static form. We distinguish static assessment and dynamic assessment.

  • Dynamic assessment and dynamic testing are umbrella concepts, denoting a variety of different assessment and testing forms that incorporate feedback, hints or training in the assessment process and aim to measure progress in solving cognitive tasks. In doing so they provide an indication for the potential for learning of individuals.
  • Static assessment and testing are umbrella concepts as well, denoting different test formats that incorporate standard instructions with out further feedback, aiming to measure one's abilities or achievements at a certain moment in time. In doing so they provide an indication of what the individual knows or has learned up to that moment in time.

Dynamic measures are developed primarily to assess developing or yet-to-develop abilities in a setting in which the assessor helps the child solve the tasks and teaches the child how to solve these tasks more independently. Consequently, dynamic assessment outcomes are largely focused on a child's potential for learning, rather than past learning experiences. They are deemed by proponents to provide a better or more complete picture of a child's cognitive abilities.

What is the difference between dynamic assessment and dynamic testing?

Dynamic assessment formats can be very different from each other, ranging from individ­ually based forms of mediation, often called dynamic assessment, to structured scaffold­ing or highly standardized procedures offered to groups or individuals, often called dy­namic testing.

What does the history of research into learning potential look like?

The concept of learning potential, which is the underlying prin­ciple of DA/T, goes back to the ideas of Alfred Binet. At the beginning of the 20th cen­tury, he defined intelligence as the ability to learn. In 1934, both Lev Vygotksy and André Rey founded a theoretical basis regarding dynamic instead of static testing or assessment of children’s intellectual abilities. Until 1960 however, research on individual differences in intelligence was sparse. From 1970, a number of pioneers started developing DA/T models and studies.

What did the seminal work of Vygotsky entail?

Vygotsky considered learning to be a social process involving external interactions. Parents, more capable other children or teachers initially guide the learning process of the child by selecting a part of the task to be solved and by structuring task solving. The typically developing child will then gradually take over control of the activities, which ends up as the child’s internal, individual cognitive activities by a process of internaliza­tion. A developmental process from external, other-regulation to internal, self-regulation takes place. In relation to this concept of internalization, Vygotsky introduced the idea of the zone of proximal development, in which two levels of development can be conceptualized: the child’s actual level of development, which is the level of cognitive functioning a child shows independently without feedback or support from another person, and the child’s potential level of cognitive development, described as the level of task or problem-solving a child can reach together with, or under guidance of, more capable persons. Vygotsky defined this distance between actual and potential as the child’s “zone of proximal development.

How did Feuerstein's dynamic assessment theory contribute to the field?

Feuerstein’s ideas about cognitive development are, at least in part, parallel to Vygotsky’s concept of internalization. His theory, and more specifically the assessment instruments he created, were also influenced by the work of Rey, who developed a large number of static instruments to test the educability of children. Feuerstein and his colleagues argued that through mediated learning experiences the exist­ing cognitive structure of a deprived person will be modified. Their assessment proce­ dures are characterized by a non-standardized, individualized assessment and mediation procedure. In contrast, the theory of Vygotsky focused more on standardized assessment of the already available but hidden cognitive potential of a child, by exploring the zone of proximal development, and from there described optimized, instructional ways to enhance the potential of this person.

How did Budoff contribute to the development of learning potential tests?

Budoff and his colleagues constructed and evaluated learning potential tests from the point of view that these could be a good alternative to static test procedures. Their tests were in particular aimed at children and adolescents from lower socio-economic or socio­cultural backgrounds, who had to gain their education under non-optimal conditions and had lower scores on tests. According to Budoff and colleagues, the learning potential testing method was not just aimed at improving test scores and a better classification of the chil­dren. Equally important were familiarization with the test situation and diminishing nega­tive expectations or test anxiety.

What does Guthke's work on 'Lerntests' entail?

Guthke developed three types of learning potential test instruments, all consisting of a pretest, a training and a posttest. The research of Guthke and colleagues was mainly focused on achieving better prediction of school achievement and, later on, the development of computerized, task-specific instruction forms.

What does the Testing the Limits Approach of Carlson and Wiedl entail?

Carlson and Wiedl considered that standard, static testing often resulted in underesti­mates of the cognitive potential of a child. Their empirical studies focused on various cog­nitive, affective and conative aspects that could influence test performance, such as mo­tivation, test anxiety, impulsivity and executive functions such as planning. Their ap­proach differs from the test-train-test model that most other researchers in dynamic test­ing utilize. Instead they used forms of testing the limits, or extension testing, integrated into the conventional test procedure.

What is the Graduated Prompts Approach by Campione and Brown?

Campione and Brown’s research on dynamic testing was also highly influenced by Vygot­sky, and their work has inspired many contemporary researchers. Training procedures that were developed from their perspective consist of standardized, structured sequences of prompts that are arranged from very general metacognitive to very detailed, task-specific prompts, finally ending in modeling the task-solving procedure. The provision of these structured hints to children is contingent upon children’s perceived need for help: it is possible to determine the minimum number and types of hints children need to reach in­ dependent task solving.

How effective are dynamic assessment and testing?

Overall, dynamic instruments result in improvements in performance on the variables under ex­amination, over and above static improvement as a result of practice or test repetition. Most improvement in performance occurs when strategy training, general feedback and modelling are used as intervention methods, followed by procedures involving testing the limits, coaching and mediated training. Swanson and Lussier (2001) also concluded that changes in performance as a result of DA/T were not related to learners’ ability group. This supported the idea that such im­provements in performance are not related to performance on conventional measures that are used to classify learners in different ability groups.

Learners with intellectual disability can profit from dy­namic training. DA/T can also be used successfully to combat underachievement in eth­nic minority populations and, in such cases, is a more appropriate assessment procedure for giftedness identification.

What are possible causes of underachievement in testing situations?

There can be several causes of underachievement.

  • DA/T is a more equitable means of identifying high potential in learners from a non-majority cultural background. 
  • In addition to ethnic background, another factor influencing performance on cognitive tests is the family context. High family risk affected children’s execu­tive functioning as well as interpersonal problem-solving, but it does not influence their ability to learn. 
  • In addition to family and background factors, theorists have argued that their child’s ori­entation to testing also plays an important role in a testing situation. Test anxiety in­terferes with performance on a static instrument, possibly leading to underachievement, but this influence can be moderated by a dynamic intervention.
  • Various re­cent studies suggest that DA/T of inductive reasoning at least partially compensates for weaknesses in executive functioning, in turn providing these children with more opportu­nity to demonstrate their cognitive potential.

How do dynamic assessment and testing relate to academic skills?

Both traditional and dynamic instruments predicted future academic success. Researchers have also concluded that DA/T uniquely predicted, over and above both traditional achievement and cognitive tests, future achievement in phonemic and phonological awareness, reading achievement, math achievement, general reasoning, and verbal achievement.

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Article summary with Intelligence and school grades: a meta-analysis by Roth a.o. - 2015

Article summary with Intelligence and school grades: a meta-analysis by Roth a.o. - 2015

Introduction

The strongest predictor of academic achievement is intelligence (g; correlations range between .30 - .70). To date, there is no meta-analysis whereby the association between academic achievement and intelligence has been examined. Earlier meta-analyses (using data from before 1983), only pay attention to the domain of natural sciences and a number of countries do not correct for possible artifacts in the data (for example, range restriction or unreliability). Furthermore, academic achievement has often only been measured by means of achievement tests, whereby school grades are ignored as being a direct measure of academic success. This seems arbitrary, as grades are important in predicting further occupational (and before that, scholastic) success. This meta-analysis focusses on integrating previous research with regard to the correlation between academic success. This is measured by means of school grades and g.

Main goals of the study

  • Assess all studies available to date on the subject on a global scale

  • To present the mean correlation weighted only by the size of the sample, and also to present the true score correlation (corrected for range restriction and unreliability)

  • Assess possible moderator variables that could affect the correlation.

Summary of results found in earlier meta-analyses

Boulanger (1981), Fleming and Malone (1983), and Steinkamp and Maehr (1983) all conducted meta-analyses whereby the mean correlation between academic achievement and cognitive abilities ranged between ρ = .34 - .48, which is a little lower than generally denoted in the literature. In the possible moderators that were tested, significant effects were only found on reliability of the outcome measure and grade level. The bulk of the studies considered only students’ achievement in scientific subjects, and not in other domains. Moreover, possible differences in the mean correlation between school grades and g across the domains considered were not analysed.

The current study

In regard to the goals set, the authors hypothesize that grades achieved in school have a greater effect on a student’s later school and occupational vocation/ success than other measures used to determine scholastic achievement (for example, school achievement tests or teacher ratings). In this study, only school grades were used as a criterion.

In this, population correlation between school grades and g were investigated with no restrictions on subject, grade level, year of publication or country. Also, the moderating effect of third variables are illustrated.

Moderator hypotheses

Five potential moderators were identified:

  1. Type of intelligence test – to test the possible moderating effect of either the nonverbal or verbal character of IQ tests, subgroups were constructed for both these groups.

  2. Subject domains- to test this, school subjects were clustered (i. Biology, physics, and math; ii. Languages; iii. Social studies, history, and geography; iv. Fine arts, music and sports), in order to estimate the population correlation between grades and g.

  3. Grade level – to test this, grade levels were clustered into elementary, middle, and high school.

  4. Gender – to test whether there was an influence of gender as a moderator variable in the relationship between grades and g.

  5. Year of publication – to test whether there has been a change in population correlation with regard to academic achievement and g since the previous meta-analyses that were conducted on the subject, two groups were made: i) studies published before 1983, ii) studies published after 1983.

Method

Inclusion criteria were the following: i) the independent variable of the studies was general intelligence measured by standardized intelligence tests or standardized tests of the same nature, ii) the dependent variable was that school achievement had to be measured by GPA or the grades that a student received on, for example, their report card, iii) studies had to use only primary or secondary school grades, iv) studies had to report zero-order correlations between dependent and independent variables, v) sample sizes had to be mentioned in the paper, vi) the paper had to be written either in English or in German , vii) the studies were not allowed to contain any methodological flaws.

Descriptives

There were 162 primary studies included in the final data set for this meta-analysis. The studies were all published between 1922 and 2014 providing k = 240 independent samples. The total sample consisted of 105,185 (studies were included ranging from 15 – 9776 students). Average age was 13.9 years old (SD = 4.0). The total sample included 50.8% females and a total of 33 countries.

Discussion and Conclusion

The central finding for the total sample was a mean correlation between school grades and intelligence of ρ = .54. The respective confidence interval did not include zero, thus this can be seen as significant. As this correlation is large, this seems to demonstrate that intelligence is of importance for academic achievement. However, this result is not generalizable as there is substantial residual variance that is not explained by the methodological artifacts that were corrected for.

In sum, the results show that intelligence does substantially influence school grades and can be seen as (perhaps the most) influential variable within this context. Intelligence was found to be a significant predictor on all of the moderator levels that were tested, although some of the scenarios that were tested leaded to even higher validities.

For example, population correlation was found to be the highest for nonverbal and verbal materials, which indicate that a broad measure of g can be seen as the best predictor for school grades. Also, the importance of g rises over grade levels. In other words, intelligence seems to be especially important in more complex educational contexts, whereby the content can only be fully mastered in accordance with an suitable cognitive ability level.

With regard to the learning content, it seems that g has the highest population correlations in Science and Mathematics, Social Sciences, and Languages. This is likely due the fact that the content in these subject domains have a more clear logical structure than the other subject domains that were tested, and the logical structure is often the central element in intelligence testing.

Population correlations found between g and school grades were found to be higher in the studies that were published before 1983 than after that year. However, the relevance of intelligence, although lower now, can still be seen as substantial. This finding could also suggest that the selection procedures for, for example, universities, colleges and further employment, should employ intelligence tests as well as school grades (as intelligence is responsible for incremental validity – the shared variance between school grades and g is lower at these levels).

Finally, population correlation between school grades and intelligence with regard to gender was found to be independent, meaning that gender did not play a role in this. However, only the results that were established within the female population groups were found to be generalizable. This suggests that there are other variables that play a role within the male population groups such as school anxiety, performance avoidance goals, or motivation.

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Article summary with Creativity development in adolescence: Insight from behavior, brain and training studies by Kleibeuker a.o. - 2016

Article summary with Creativity development in adolescence: Insight from behavior, brain and training studies by Kleibeuker a.o. - 2016

In present day society, creative thinking (being able to think out of the box) has become more and more important. Creative outcomes are characterized by their uncommonness and potential usefulness. This article focuses on the development of creative skills and competence. Starting point is the creative cognition approach, in which creative thinking is identified as inherent to normal human functioning and depends on cognitive functions.

It has been said that adolescence is a crucial time for cognitive abilities development. Recently, creative outputs have been described as a result of cognitive flexibility (being able to switch between a broad array of cognitive categories) and cognitive persistence (a focused and more systematic effort between a few cognitive categories). This framework is also known as the Dual Pathway to Creativity Model.

A persons creative potential is represented by two types of cognitive functions. The first function is divergent thinking. Divergent thinking is associated with the ability to generate multiple solutions to a problem and being able to reflect on these solutions. Studies have shown that divergent thinking has a strong predictive value for creative success. Divergent thinking can be measured by the Alternate Use Task (a verbal task for divergent thinking) and the Creative Ability Task (involves the visuospatial domain). The second function is insight. With insight tasks, there is an established correct solution. It usually involves the ability to establish associations between unrelated information. Succeeding on an insight task creates an ‘aha’ experience and someone is usually not able to explain how they gained their insight. Insight can be measured by the Gestalt Completion Task, the Snowy Picture Task and the Remote Associates Task. This latter task is a verbal one, the first two tasks focus on the visual domain

The study

Participants aged 10-30 participated in this study. Their performance on divergent thinking tasks were expressed in fluency, flexibility and originality. Fluency leads back to the number of possible solutions. Flexibility involves generating different conceptual categories and originality focuses on the uniqueness of the ideas.

Results

This study showed that the ability to generate multiple ideas from different conceptual categories is already developed in adolescent. The quality of the solutions however still develops after adolescence. This might be explained by gaining more knowledge over the years or developing the ability to reflect on cognitive processes. When it comes to insight, it was found that both visual and verbal creative insight continued to develop into late adolescence. Taken together, this study shows that creativity performances improve with age, but that in different stages in adolescence these improvements become less present.

Creativity in the brain

There is a general consensus that the prefrontal cortex plays a role in creative success, and that it is involved in both divergent thinking and insight tasks. The prefrontal cortex is one of the few brain regions that still develops substantially during adolescence. When adolescents and adults are compared, it was found that adolescents outperformed adults on seeking alternative solutions. This indicated that adolescence are better at shifting between different representations as a solution for a problem. The findings support the idea that adolescence isn’t just a phase of immaturity, but also a period in which the prefrontal cortex shows heightened activation that can be used for adaptive purposes.

Training creativity in adolescence

Previous studies have shown that training can improve creativity in adults and children. Little research has been done with training in adolescence. This study therefore also compared adolescents and adults to examine whether or not creativity could be improved through training. During two weeks, participants followed one of three training types. The first training focused on the generation of alternative uses. The second training involved the naming of object characteristics and the third training in global rule switching. Before the training, it was found that adolescents and adults performed similar on fluency and flexibility, but that adults performed better on originality. After the training it was found that all participant, despite age or training type, had progressed on fluency and originality. Follow-up measures revealed that adolescents had still improved on originality, suggesting that adolescent have a greater practice susceptibility. 

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Article summary with Computers in mathematics education by Moeller a.o. - 2015

Article summary with Computers in mathematics education by Moeller a.o. - 2015

The mental number line

The mental number line is a spatial representation of numbers. Numbers are represented spatially in ascending order corresponding to their magnitude. This mental number line representation is associated with children’s numerical competencies. It is important to train this in numerical education. Within this training, it seems more promising to train the continuous spatial character of the mental number line than focusing on the directional aspect of the mental number line.

Current trainings

When looking at trainings nowadays, most refer to some type of linear format. With those it is usually possible for the children to simply count the items to get to the right answer. However, it is good to use empty number lines to improve children’s conceptualization of a certain number range and to illustrate the principles of arithmetic operations (such as addition and subtraction). By using empty number lines you can reduce the reliance on counting strategies and improve their conceptual understanding.

Computer exercises

There is more and more evidence showing that spatial-numerical games can improve numerical and arithmetic skills in children. However, all those tests were paper-pencil based. The authors argue here that computer-supported methods may be even more successful. Besides general motivational effects, they can support learning on a cognitive level by giving fast and individualized feedback, and by adaptively providing different levels of task difficulty. The benefits of these computerized trainings seem to depend on how the trainings are actually implemented. To really contribute to early childhood mathematics, the learning environment should be accompanied by effective teaching strategies. Most of the number line trainings that we have nowadays are part of a multi-componential training, usually for the prevention or intervention of mathematical learning difficulties. In evaluations these trainings seem to have positive effects on the numerical and mathematical abilities of children.

Socially interactive game trial

When it comes to interaction in computer exercises for training the mental number line, there are specific demands on interactivity and adaptivity of the learning environment. Considering these special demands, the authors developed a web platform with interactive browser games, among which it was possible to train the mental number line. The first evaluation showed that adaptivity was very important. Players who continuously had to play against players that were better than them, easily got demotivated.

Embodied interaction

Embodied interaction refers to a trend that has emerged in the area of human-computer interaction. Humans can then interact with physical objects which have been augmented with computational abilities. These systems measure user movements and/or gestures. They have a motivational appeal that can be beneficial for learning purposes. They can also be used to support more specific learning, if the task has a spatial dimension. For instance with numerical tasks, the movement of the learner may be congruent or incongruent to the direct of the internal number line representation. This can be called bodily number line training. Research indicates many positive effects, such as increases in accuracy of guessing numbers, generalization of positive effects to an improvement in counting skills, improvements in number line estimation, and other reliable transfer effects.

Conclusion

Research clearly indicates that number line trainings are an effective way of improving the numerical competencies of children. However, most evaluations were done of multicomponent trainings, and they did not investigate the effects of the individual components. Embodied number line trainings have been investigated as well, and they in turn enhance the effectiveness of regular computer-supported number line trainings. So far though they have not been able to make those trainings socially interactive and adaptive.

Future developments

Computer-supported learning environments integrate the physical reality into computer-supported math interventions. Integrating manipulatives, such as sticks or blocks, into Tangible User Interfaces (TUI) can create new possibilities for integrating tangible material with symbolic information. The tangible materials may support learning by building on the advantages of physical manipulation while avoiding limiting exploration by constraining the range of actions and possible learning opportunities. It seems that especially geometric concepts are suitable for TUI’s. So far there is no specific number line training that uses these TUI’s. One example how TUI’s can be used for number line trainings is by using tangible rods of different lengths that may be recognized by a touch sensitive surface. A program may then output the actual numerical length of the rods, and thereby create a connection between a concrete manipulative and the symbolic representation of its length.

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Article summary with Intrinsic and extrinsic school motivation as a function of age: the mediating role of autonomy support by Gillet a.o. - 2021

Article summary with Intrinsic and extrinsic school motivation as a function of age: the mediating role of autonomy support by Gillet a.o. - 2021

Intrinsic motivation is thought to play an important role in school performance and enjoyment, while extrinsic motivation seems to have a more negative effect on these factors. Studies have shown that intrinsic motivation systematically decreases over the years (between 8 and 14 years of age). The measurement used in these researches was usually the Intrinsic and Extrinsic Orientation Scale, that placed intrinsic en extrinsic motivation at opposite ends of a 4-point scale. A consequence of the use of this scale was that it could not be said whether there was truly a decrease in intrinsic motivation, or whether there was an increase in extrinsic motivation. More recent studies therefore used different measurements, placing intrinsic and extrinsic motivation on two separate motivation scales. These studies also found a systematically decrease of intrinsic motivation over the years. Only a few studies looked into the course of extrinsic motivation. These studies indicate that intrinsic motivation also decreasing with age, however not in the systematic manner that was found in studies on intrinsic motivation.

Recently, studies have tried to start discovering the nature of the processes responsible for changes in intrinsic and extrinsic motivation. Results of one study indicated for example that social desirability is not responsible for the age effects on motivation. Another factor that could mediate the age effect on school motivation is the prevalent social context in the educational domain. An important social factor deals with autonomy support, where parents and teachers take the perspective of the child and provide opportunities and participation in decision making, while the effect of pressure is minimal. Research has shown that this fosters intrinsic motivation and decreases non self-determined extrinsic motivation. It might be that with age, students expect to have more autonomy or say in their schooling. However, usually autonomic supports decreases in school over the years, forming a possible explanation for loss of intrinsic motivation.

The study

The first goal of this study was to assess intrinsic and extrinsic motivation and amotivation toward school of children aged 9-17. A decrease was expected for the ages 9-15, but it was also thought that there would be a slight increase in children aged 16-17, compared to 14-15 year old students. The same results were expected for self-determined extrinsic motivation. For non self-determined extrinsic motivation, a negative linear trend was expected. Amotivation was expected to be low and stable across the different age groups. The goals was to test the role of teacher and parental autonomy support as a potential mediator of the age effect of school motivation. It was hypothesized that means in autonomy support as a function of age would show the same trend as intrinsic and self-determined extrinsic motivation. The final goal was to assess the relative contribution of teacher and both parents as mediators of the age-school motivation relationship. It was expected that teacher support would have a stronger relation with motivation compared to mothers’ autonomy support, which in turn would have a stronger relationship to motivation compared to fathers’ autonomy support.

Participants were 1606 students aged 9-17 from different school in Quebec, Canada. Students filled out questionnaires on school motivation (a scale with four reasons (intrinsic, self-determined extrinsic, non self-determined extrinsic and amotivational) of why students apply in different types of school activities) and perceived autonomy support toward school activities.

Results

Intrinsic motivation and self-determined motivation follow similar patterns as a function of age: they decrease until the age of 15, and increase after that point. A possible explanation for this effect is that older students have the opportunity to select their classes themselves that are in line with their interests and future college orientation. This increase in autonomy might cause the found increase in intrinsic motivation after the age of 15. Non self-determined motivation showed a decrease until the age of 12, and stayed relatively stable after this point. However, it remains systematically higher than intrinsic motivation. No trends were found for amotivation.

Furthermore, age was found to have a negative linear relation to teacher and parental autonomy support. Thus, with age, teachers and parents are perceived by children as providing less autonomy support. It is not clear what changes this perception. However, teacher anatomy acted as a mediator on the relationship between linear age and intrinsic motivation. But because it showed that age has a direct link to the levels of intrinsic motivation, it is very well possible that other factor also play a role in the decrease of intrinsic motivation as a function of age.

Because intrinsic motivation is so closely linked to positive educational outcomes, the found decrease of intrinsic motivation with age isn’t good news. Non self-determined motivation and amotivation are the most important predictors of negative educational outcomes. Prevention of these effects should be the focus of future research.

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Article summary with A 2x2 Achievement Goal Framework by Elliot & McGregor - 2001

Article summary with A 2x2 Achievement Goal Framework by Elliot & McGregor - 2001

Introduction

Performance goals are the goals of competence-relevant behavior. Science has always focused primarily on two types of goals, namely learning goals (mastery goals) and striving goals (performance goals). People with a learning goal are primarily interested in developing their skills and knowledge. People with a striving goal are primarily interested in showing their skills and knowledge and want to be better than others. The different goals provide different perceptual-cognitive frameworks within the performance settings and lead to different processes and outcomes.

Competence

The most important construct within the theme of performance objectives is competence. Competence can be distinguished in two dimensions, namely in which way one assesses one's own abilities, and in which way the goal is valued.

Learning and striving dimension (definition)

The learning and striving dimension concerns the definition of the competence. Competence can be defined in three ways:

  • An absolute standard. This concerns the requirements of the task itself; whether someone can perform the task.

  • An intrapersonal standard. This concerns someone's own responsibility; whether someone has improved their performance or achieved their maximum ability.

  • A normative standard. This concerns the relative performance; to what extent one performs better than another.

Because the absolute standard and the intrapersonal standard are so difficult to distinguish from each other (after all, performing a task is almost always combined with the task skills of being able to perform it), they are combined into one category. This category is therefore about defining competence in terms of personal progress and contains the learning objectives. The second category defines competence in terms of superiority to others, the normative standard, and contains the striving goals.

Approach and avoidance dimension (value)

Competence is assessed either in an approach way (a desired, positive outcome) or an avoidance way (an unwanted, negative outcome). Research shows that this assessment takes place unconsciously and immediately. This assessment process, which can already be seen in children and is grounded in the neuroanatomical structure, immediately leads to an approach or avoidance strategy.

Four goals

The approach and avoidance dimension was initially only applied to the learning objectives. But this distinction can also be applied to the striving goals. This results in not three, but four types of goals:

  • With a learning-oriented approach people want to improve themselves.

  • With a learning-oriented avoidance goal, people want to prevent their performance from deteriorating.

  • With a striving goal-oriented approach approach, people want to show that they perform better than others.

  • With a striving goal-oriented avoidance goal, people want to prevent them from being seen as incompetent.

In this study, most attention is focused on the learning avoidance goal. Learning-oriented avoidance goals emphasize the avoidance of incompetence. Examples are preventing the study material from being unable to learn, or not wanting to miss a basketball shot, or not being able to leave a crossword puzzle incomplete.

This investigation

Three tests are performed in this study. Firstly, it is examined whether learning-oriented avoidance goals can be operationalized reliably. Secondly, it is examined whether the four goals are empirically distinguishable and whether the four goals fit better with the data than the previous three goals. Thirdly, we look at how learning-oriented avoidance goals are related to the other goals. Fourth, the predictors of the goals are investigated. The two categories of variables that are considered in this regard are motivational dispositions and class perceptions. Motivational dispositions concern the needs for success, the fear of failure and self-determination. Class perceptions are about perceived class involvement. Fifth, the four goals are investigated as predictors of certain process and outcome variables. These tests are now discussed separately.

Important results

The most important results can be summarized as follows:

  • The four goal constructs are empirically distinguishable and internally consistent.

  • Learning-oriented avoidance goals were grounded in fear of failure, low self-determination and perceived involvement in the classroom, entity theory, negative feedback from parents and voiced concerns from parents and competence assessment. These goals were also positive predictors of unorganized study, test anxiety and emotionality.

  • Entity theory was a positive predictor of learning-oriented avoidance goals, and incremental theory was a negative predictor. Entity theory is about the belief that people have that psychological attributes are fixed and congenital rather than gradual development, while incremental theory states that intelligence is a characteristic that training can develop.

  • Parental, person-directed negative feedback from both the mother and the father was a predictor of the emergence of learning-oriented avoidance goals.

Discussion

The results from this study confirm the existence of the new construct (learning-oriented avoidance goals) and that the new quadruple model fits better with the data than the earlier triple model. Given the antecedents of learning-oriented avoidance goals, it can be stated that the theory of the authors is confirmed and that learn-oriented avoidance goals have a more negative set of antecedents than learn-oriented advancement goals, but a more positive set of antecedents than striving goal-oriented avoidance goals. It has also been confirmed that learning-oriented avoidance goals have more negative consequences than learning-oriented approach goals, but more positive effects than striving goal-oriented avoidance goals.

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Article summary with Need supportive teaching in practice: a narrative analysis in schools with contrasting educational approaches by Stroet a.o. - 2015

Article summary with Need supportive teaching in practice: a narrative analysis in schools with contrasting educational approaches by Stroet a.o. - 2015

Introduction

According to the self-determination theory, curiosity and a will to learn are part of human nature. The characteristics of the classroom and education can, however, stimulate or undermine these motivational processes. Research has already shown that when students' needs with regard to autonomy, competence and kinship are supported, there are positive effects on academic performance. However, less is known about the effects of need supportive teaching (NST). 

Need Supportive Teaching

If the needs of students for autonomy, competence and kinship are supported in the classroom, this has positive consequences for learning. Research into what this need supportive teaching constructs exactly in practice is scarce. This study looks at the positive and negative dimensions of NST, by looking at different educational approaches. Positive dimensions are autonomy support, structure and involvement. Negative dimensions are opposing autonomy, chaos and rejection.

Self-determination theory

The self-determination theory is a macro theory about human motivation. The theory is based on two assumptions.

  • The first assumption is that people have an active tendency towards psychological growth. Based on this tendency, people strive to expand their interests and look for challenges. This extends their skills.

  • The second assumption is that people have an active tendency to integrate the self. Because of this, people do not only strive to be an autonomous person, but also to integrate themselves with others. They internalize the knowledge, habits and values ​​around them with their sense of self.

The theory states that there are three basic human needs, namely a need for autonomy, a need for competence and a need for kinship. When people can act on the basis of the above assumptions, they will function optimally to satisfy their basic needs. They will be motivated to learn, improve their skills, expand their personal interests and / or achieve the goals they are personally driven to. This form of motivation is autonomous and contrasts with the motivation that is exerted when people experience pressure to perform a certain action.

Positive and negative dimensions of NST

There are three dimensions within the NST that have an effect on student satisfaction.

Dimension of autonomy

The positive dimension of autonomy is autonomy support. Teaching is autonomous when the students have the opportunity to express their feelings, thoughts and perspectives. It is also autonomous to offer the students choices, or when it is not possible for them to choose, to make relevant connections with the learning activity and personal goals of the students. Some authors distinguish between cognitive and non-cognitive autonomy support. By offering choices for tasks, task material or organizational matters, their autonomy is supported with regard to form, media and presentation, but not so much the cognitive learning process. To support autonomy in the cognitive learning process, cognitive choices must be offered. This can for example be done by offering problems that do not have a clear solution, or by stimulating asking questions. This would stimulate independent thinking and an intrinsic desire to learn. The opposite of autonomy support is called autonomy thwart .

Dimension of structure

Structure can be offered by communicating clear and consistent guidelines. Teachers must be available when the students have questions. Students can be encouraged to believe that success depends on internal controllable factors and is not congenital. Constructive, non-comparative feedback must also be given. The offering of help must take place step by step, with the teacher adapting to the speed of the student. The opposite of structure, the negative dimension, is called chaos.

Dimension of involvement

Teachers can demonstrate their involvement by demonstrating affection and interest, by stimulating empathy and prosocial behavior and by being available to all students in the classroom. Involvement is also expressed by showing involvement in the learning behavior of the students. The negative dimension of involvement is called disaffection or rejection .

Two school types

Two school types were used in this study. The first type is the more traditional, teacher-centered approach. Schools that are prototypically traditional must meet the following criteria in this study:

  • All lessons are given in the same groups of students.

  • The lessons mainly consist of the teacher who explains the teaching material to the class, and students who have to carry out the teacher's assignments.

  • Mainly summarizing rather than formative evaluation methods.

The second type is the social constructivist approach. Schools that are prototypically social constructivist must meet the following criteria in this study:

  • There is more attention for higher-order skills with regard to self-regulation and metacognition.

  • Students bear responsibility with regard to their own learning process and the learning objectives they have set.

  • Especially formative rather than summary evaluation methods.

  • Teaching takes place in an authentic context.

  • Learning is considered a social activity.

Traditional movement

In the traditional approach, teachers take most of the responsibility in the students' learning process. They must transfer their knowledge through verbal and written lessons. They must structure the teaching material. The assignments must be made by the students individually or in small groups. The students are systematically guided through series of assignments by the teachers until they have achieved the teachers' goals. The teachers monitor the processes of the students and see how much they have already learned and provide feedback on the quality of their performance.

Social constructivist approach

After the cognitive revolution in the 70s, the social constructivist approach emerged. According to this approach, teachers should lead the students, while the students themselves are responsible for the cognitive and metacognitive aspects of their learning process and their learning objectives. The teachers must gradually transfer the responsibility to the students. Learning would not only take place through cognitive factors, but also through situational and social factors. These situational factors can be used by offering contextualized assignments in authentic contexts. Because there are individual differences in what constitutes an authentic context, students should be involved in determining their own learning activities. The social factor can be stimulated by creating dialogue between the students themselves and between the students and the teacher. The assessment of the teacher must be focused on the student's learning process and above all be formative rather than summarizing.

Triggers

There are certain factors that shape the manifestations of NST. To date, little is known about these factors, which are called triggers in here. Two triggers are distinguished here that are important for this research. The first trigger is pressure from above. This is the pressure experienced by teachers to ensure that their students perform well. They often adopt a controlling motivational learning style consisting of strict instructions and criticism and with little room for the students' input. This effect can be enhanced by a traditional approach, because the teachers there are largely responsible for the learning processes of the students. The second trigger is the power difference between teacher and student. This pressure would be greater in schools with traditional approaches, because teachers are considered as the authority there. In contrast to socio-constructivist schools, where learning is a social process and there is more dialogue between the teacher and the student.

Operationalization of dimensions

The three dimensions were operationalized in this research in the following way:

  • Autonomy support was operationalized as offering choice, offering relevance to the activity and respecting the students (for example, by listening to their opinions and ideas). Autonomy thwart was operationalized by retaining the teaching material (for example by giving answers too early, putting pressure on or giving the students no time to find the solution themselves), having meaningless activities carried out and disrespect for the students.

  • Structure was measured on the basis of clarity, leadership, encouragement and informational feedback. There was a lack of support when the teacher was unclear or disorganized, did not give proper guidance to the students (for example, by not being present or paying attention) or by not encouraging the students. Giving evaluative feedback was also measured as a factor that contributed to chaos. 

  • Involvement was measured by observing affection, coordination (for example, showing understanding), allocation of resources (for example, being available to all learners) and dependence. Rejection was observed in disaffection (for example, unkindness, lack of interest), poor coordination, no allocation of resources, and a lack of dependence.

Important results

The results show large differences, but also similarities.

Cognitive autonomy support

Cognitive autonomy support involves offering problems that do not have a clear solution, so that students can approach the problem themselves and work on a solution. In the traditional classroom, the teacher sometimes stimulated such cognitive autonomy and the students actively engaged in discussion. This did not occur in the social-constructivist class, probably because as a result of this approach the knowledge levels between the students differed too much from each other (because they encourage the use of their own learning speed). It happened in the social constructivist class with individual students, or in smaller groups, and that did not happen in the classical class.

Autonomy support with limited choices

When offering a new assignment, the purpose of the assignment was often discussed in the social constructivist class. If the students were negative, the relevance of the assignment was suggested either by the teacher or by other students. This convinced the students of its usefulness and they wanted to carry out the assignment themselves, instead of being forced to see the usefulness of it. This did not happen within the classes with the classical approach. 

Step-by-step instructions

With regard to the dimension of structure, it was observed that in the social-constructivist classes individual help was given on the basis of step-by-step instructions, while this was not the case with the classical classes. One of the reasons for this is the lack of time experienced by teachers in classical schools. They are responsible for the results of all students and cannot afford to consider each student individually.

Disaffection and autonomy thwart

In the classical classes it was observed that the teachers were regularly disaffective, while this was rare in the social constructivist classes. In the social constructivist classes, the pupils' learning processes were also discussed and they were guided by pointing them out and helping them with their own learning process. This form of giving structure did not occur in the classical classrooms. In the classical classes, autonomy thwart (autonomy transverse) was also observed in interactions of a disciplinary nature. This did not occur in the social constructivist classes.

Similarities

In both types of classes, giving structure in the form of encouragement and informational feedback was observed. Chaos was not common in both types. The involvement of the teachers was also expressed in both classes.

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