Summary of Emotion Science by Fox - 1st edition

In this book, all kinds of important questions regarding emotions are addressed. For example, what are emotions and why do we have them? Do emotions influence our thoughts and memories, and do our memories influence our emotions? Are emotions the same as feelings? Are some people more susceptible to developing emotional disorders than others?

What are the different frameworks to study emotion?

When we think back about events in our lives, it is often the affective qualities of those moments that come up first. What are the fundamental characteristics of emotional experiences?

Emotional moments normally contain a number of different components, such as actions, thoughts, feelings, physical reactions and so on. Various investigations have attempted to focus on different components of emotion. Most people agree that feelings are the most important aspect of emotions. How something feels has the greatest influence on our thoughts and memories and it determines how much we enjoy something.

There are also scientists who argue that feelings are important, but they may not be central to the understanding of emotions. They state that a series of physiological, neural and behavioral reactions form the foundation of emotions. According to them, emotions have already been formed before feelings arise.

A recurring problem in the science of emotion is that different research movements focus on different aspects of emotions and therefore ask different questions and use different definitions of emotions. In addition, they use different research methods. This book sketches an image of research into emotions by highlighting the different trends and disciplines: cognitive, social and clinical psychology and cognitive and affective neuroscience.

How are emotions constructed in the biological approach?

Many researchers state that emotions stem from evolution. According to this theory, emotions were selected because they provided good solutions for recurring problems of our ancestors (finding water and food, finding sexual partners, avoiding danger, taking care of offspring).

The biological perspective states that emotions are best understood as solutions selected by nature to make us want to do what our ancestors had to do in order to pass their genes on to the next generation. This perspective shifts the emphasis from examining human feelings to examining traits and behavioral patterns that we share with a large group of other animal species. Emotions are then seen as a complex response to a meaningful event.

Because emotions consist of many different possible actions (for example a quick escape), a lot of physical support is often needed from mechanisms that deal with processes of excitement (for example the release of adrenaline). Emotions can therefore be seen as physical processes that have psychological, cognitive and behavioral implications for the organism.

Most researchers assume that we naturally receive a primary set of emotion systems. However, they also think that these emotion systems can be adapted by learning processes and cultural influences. A fundamental assumption is that emotions are genetically coded response systems that are activated by biologically or evolutionally relevant situations. This was found in animal studies in which animals raised under strict laboratory conditions showed classical fear responses. It is a selective learning process: fear responses are taught much easier for biologically relevant stimuli (for example, a snake) than for irrelevant stimuli (for example, a bunch of flowers).

In summary, evolution has provided us with a number of reasonably automatic responses to stimuli that were dangerous or beneficial to our ancestors. These stimuli are still seen as important causes of our emotional reactions.

It is striking that between cultures - and also between species - the facial expressions that belong to certain basic emotions (such as anger, fear, happiness, sadness and disgust) are almost the same.

Emotions cause a series of processes to be initiated to solve an immediate and urgent problem. For example, fear causes the currently active processes to be interrupted, so that attention can quickly be focused on the potential danger.

How are emotions constructed in the social approach?

According to this approach, emotions are not biological phenomena at all, but socially constructed stories that give form and meaning to our social environment. Here, emotions are a learned product of culture, which help to define values ​​and different roles. Different cultures value emotions in different ways and that plays an important role in how people experience certain emotions. Instead of a universal set of emotions, every culture has a different set of emotions. This theory is confirmed by the fact that different languages ​​cause emotions to be expressed differently.

Different cultures look at the individual differently. The independent self is a form of individualism (common in Western cultures), where independence from others is seen as valuable. Behavior is seen as a product of internal factors such as personal motivation. The interdependent self, on the other hand, is more common in collectivist cultures (such as in Asia). The self-concept is derived from contacts with other people. Identity and status are a product of connections with important groups such as family, rather than personal performance. Behavior is therefore explained by external factors.

Research by Kitayama shows that people from cultures based on an independent self felt fewer negative emotions and they felt more positive emotions. This is consistent with Western culture, where people are encouraged to emphasize positive emotions and minimize negative emotions. People from cultures with an interdependent self-appear to experience about as many positive and negative emotions. This is consistent with the culture, in which maintaining harmony and balance is more important than experiencing positive feelings.

Dealing (coping) with the environment also differs per culture. In Western cultures, people are expected to impose their own will on the situation and try to change the environment. On the other hand, people in Eastern cultures are expected to adapt to difficult situations. This means that different emotions are valued very differently in both cultures. In Eastern cultures, for example, anger is seen as negative because it is a sign that the person is not adapting to the situation and thus disturbs the balance.

Some emotions are unique to a certain culture, for example the emotion amae in Japan. This emotion is a pleasant feeling that comes from a sense of togetherness, especially when it comes from complete acceptance by another person. This emotion is not often experienced in Western cultures, because it is contrary to the achievement of independence and autonomy. These unique emotions help people to deal efficiently with the demands made by their social responsibilities within a culture.

How are emotions the result of perception of bodily changes?

There are two empirical approaches to this trend. The first is the James Lange theory of emotions, an assumption that emotions arise as a result of our perception of a physical condition. So, when we see a bear, we experience a series of physical changes (activation of the autonomic nervous system) and the perception of these physical changes is the emotion.

This theory has recently been revised by Damasio, with his somatic-marker hypothesis . This states that emotional experiences are caused by the perception of changes in a large series of physical processes. Here, Damasio identifies more changes than James and Lange, including biochemical and hormonal indicators. He also found that an emotional state sometimes occurs when no changes in the body have been detected. So, we can experience an emotion without the actual physical reactions. In contrast to James and Lange, and according to Damasio, emotions do not necessarily have to be experienced consciously.

How are emotions the result of cognitive appraisals?

This trend states that a cognitive appraisal of the importance of an object is a good indicator of an emotional response. The central idea of ​​this theory is that the way we appraise and value the importance of events around us determines what emotion we feel. So, cognitive appraisals are evaluations of the relationships between the self and the environment. When a change in the environment is relevant to us, these appraisals result in specific actions and outcomes that are felt as emotions.

This theory can explain why different people can feel such different emotions at different times in response to the same event. So, it is not the situation itself that causes an emotion, but rather how the situation is appraised in relation to the person's current goals.

How are emotions seen in neuroscience and cognitive approaches?

The notions that cognition is important for emotions and that emotions are implemented in the brain are both ideas that have been around for a long time. Relatively recent improvements in brain imaging instruments have caused an explosion of research with human participants. Social and clinical psychologists have developed a series of behavioral tasks to investigate which cognitive processes influence affective responses and vice versa. So, it's time to bring cognitive and neuroscientific approaches to emotions closer together.

Is there an emotion center in the brain?

It used to be thought that the limbic system was responsible for all emotions. Later, this idea turned out to be incorrect. It appears that there is no part of the brain that can be fully responsible for emotions. Rather, different combinations of brain parts are responsible for processing different emotions.

Although there is no emotion center, there are brain structures that play an exceptionally important role in emotions. These structures are amazingly similar between humans and animals. An important difference, however, is encephalization, which means that people have a larger neocortex and frontal cortex than animals. This has caused an increase in cognition in evolution, which has had a major impact on emotional processing in the human brain. Furthermore, human emotion is largely influenced by the development of language. So, the core processes of emotion largely take place in subcortical structures, but with evolution the feelings have shifted to the cortical regions.

What is the triune brain theory?

The triune brain theory of James Papez is one of the first attempts to find out how emotion is implemented in the brain. Sensory information from both the external world and internal processes enter the brain through a number of sensory systems and then reach the thalamus. Here the information is split into three paths: the striatal region (movement), the neocortex (thoughts) and the limbic system (feelings).

How is the brain structured?

The human brain can be divided into three global regions: the cerebrum, the mesencefalon and the brainstem.

The cerebrum consists of the neocortex, recognizable by the wrinkled folds on the outside of the brain. Furthermore, the cerebrum is subdivided into four lobes: the frontal, temporal, parietal and occipital lobes.

The brain is divided into a left hemisphere and a right hemisphere. All important brain structures actually occur twice; once in every half of the brain. Neuroanatomy, the study of the structure of the brain and spinal cord, had developed a number of terms which will help us to understand what part of the brain we are dealing with. The direction that points forward is called anterior, rostral or frontal, the direction that points to the back of the head is called posterior or caudal . Up is called dorsal, and down (towards the ground) is called ventral . A medial point of view on the brain is when we look directly at the center of the brain, when it would be cut in half. A lateral viewpoint looks straight at the outside of the hemisphere; the side furthest away from the center.

What is the subject matter of emotion science?

Affective processes are important in regulating our relationships and social interactions and help us communicate effectively with each other. They are also important for staying healthy or for the development of disease. During the period of behaviorism, however, little research was done into emotion because there were no objective ways to measure emotion. Nowadays, much research is being done into emotion. A new field of research has even been developed: affective neuroscience. Most research is about the interaction between emotion and cognition. Emotions have an influence on cognitive processes such as selective attention, memory and decision making. Conversely, cognitions can also affect emotions.

What is the definition of emotions, moods and feelings?

• Emotions are relatively short episodes of coordinated brain, autonomic and behavioral changes that cause a reaction to an external or internal event that is important to the organism.
• Feelings are the subjective representation of emotions.
• Mood is a diffuse affective state with a lower intensity than emotion, but which lasts much longer.
• Attitudes are relatively long-lasting, affective beliefs, preferences and predisposition towards objects and people
• Affective style is a relatively stable aptitude that ensures that a person perceives and responds to people and objects in a certain way
• Temperament is a combination of affective styles that become visible early in life, and are therefore probably determined by genetic factors

What is the interaction between affect and cognition?

Cognition refers to the mental processes and assumes that there are internal, mental states (for example, beliefs, desires, and intentions) that can be interpreted in terms of information processing. A classic definition of cognition is: "all processes through which the sensory input is transformed, reduced, elaborated, stored, recovered and used." Cognitive psychology has divided cognition into smaller parts, such as perception, attention, memory, decision making and problem solving.

Oatley and Jonson-Laird developed the cognitive theory of emotions, which suggests that a primary function of certain basic emotions is to coordinate a complex cognitive system. This system must be very flexible to adapt to a dynamic environment. Emotions have the function of reorganizing this system when necessary. This brings goals that are relevant to that specific emotion to the surface.

The way we process information can determine our general sense of happiness and well-being. A positive view of life often leads to being happy, a negative view of certain situations can lead to a downward spiral. Individual differences in information processing can therefore be indicative of serious affective disorders such as anxiety or depression.

What are the controversies in emotion science?

Emotions are investigated in many different ways. As a result, many different types of research questions are asked. Even more important are the different results that are found through different research techniques. A challenge from research into emotion is to integrate all outcomes in one way or another.

Many outcomes that seem inconsistent are the result of different researchers using the same terminology to study very different phenomena. By being careful with defining different terms and acknowledging that affect can be explored on many different levels, we will hopefully get closer to a general understanding of emotions and the role they play in our lives.

There are clear individual differences in how people respond to affective stimuli. However, most research is mainly about how people react in general. This chapter focuses on the ways in which people differ in how they experience their affective state and how they process, respond and regulate affective situations.

What is temperament?

Temperament can be described as the tendency to react in a certain way to a wide range of situations. These tendencies are most likely related to certain neural circuits. Two fundamental aspects of temperament are how easily emotional arousal arises (reactivity) and how good someone is to control this arousal (self-regulation). Self-regulation has to do with a series of processes, including attentive mechanisms, approach behaviors, avoidance, attack and so on. This indicates that the brain contains both excitatory (stimulating) and inhibitory (suppressing) circuits. Someone with a strong inhibitory circuit is better able to control his reactions. It is believed that genes have a strong influence on temperament.

Thomas and Chess found in their research that there are three types of children (subdivided by temperament): "easy" children, children who have difficulty getting started (the "slow-to-warm-up" children) and "difficult" children. It turned out that "difficult" children had a greater chance of developing psychiatric problems later in life. This is most likely due to the way emotions are expressed and regulated, this forms the basis of temperament.

What is personality?

Personality is often confused with temperament. An important difference, however, is that temperament is often tested in children to investigate the influence of development and genes. Personality, on the other hand, is often examined in adults, especially in those who suffer from psychological problems. Personality, just like temperament, acts as a factor that determines emotional reactivity and regulatory processes.

Self-report instruments are often used to investigate personality factors ( traits ) that can tell us something about the uniqueness of a person and how people differ from each other. A definition of personality is: the dynamic organization within an individual of the mental and biological systems that determine the characteristic behaviors and thoughts. According to Allport, character traits are not only labels for different behaviors, but also neuropsychological structures that actually exist within a person. No two individuals have the exact same personality, but we do use common traits to classify people in more general terms (cheerful, reliable, etc.). Personality factors are important because they are the core aspects of personality and determine how a particular situation is interpreted. This in turn influences behavior.

How is personality described by the trait approach?

Cattell stated that there are three important sources of personality data. L-data is a collection of information about a person's life, such as school archives and assessments of others in the area. Q-data comes from a self-report questionnaire or an interview, in which someone gives a description of themselves. Finally, there is T-data, which comes from an objective test, a perceptual task. Personality research on emotions uses Q data the most.

Cattell also developed a scale with 16 core personality factors ( 16-PF scale ). Each of the 16 properties represents a continuum between two extremes, for example conservative-experimenting. Norman then found that the 16 properties of Cattell could again be divided into five key factors. Recent research joins Norman and the final big five of personality factors consists of extraversion, agreeableness, conscientiousness, emotional stability (neuroticism) and openness to experience. A questionnaire (the NEO Personality Inventory) has been developed to measure these five factors.

Which criticism has the trait approach?

The five-factor model of personality lacks a number of important aspects, such as religion, manipulation, honesty, masculinity / femininity, sense of humor and so on. These aspects are indeed capable of influencing reactions to affective situations. Furthermore, research has shown that the five factors are not completely independent of each other. In addition, it does not take cultural differences into account and therefore probably only applies in Western cultures, where one assumes an independent self. Namely, no account is taken of environmental influences, such as family and other social groups.

Which are the influential theories about personality?

Eysenck's model

Eysenck developed a model of human temperament that contained two important dimensions of personality: introvert / extrovert and neurotic / stable. Introverts are a bit more withdrawn, less socially active, quiet and introspective, while extroverts are socially active, happy, impulsive and assertive. This dimension is called extraversion-position affectivity (E-PA). Neuroticism consists of a series of emotional states (anxiety, depression, tension) and correlates highly with measurements of personality trait anxiety. This dimension is called neuroticism-negative affectivity (N-NA). Later the psychoticism factor was added, which is characterized by egocentric, aggressive and impulsive behavior. The three factors are completely independent of each other and are influenced by the genes. Introverts have more activity in the cortex than extroverts, this is regulated by the ascending reticular activating system (ARAS) in the brain. There are several studies that found differences in the activity between the dimensions of Eysenck's model.

Kagan's model

Kagan has developed a two-dimensional model of temperament, in which he was particularly interested in how young children react to unknown situations (people or objects). The children were divided into two categories: inhibited and uninhibited. Inhibited children react anxiously and stressfully to new situations, while uninhibited children are less anxious and more inclined to investigate the situation. Inhibited children quickly get into a state of excitement and develop into relatively anxious and cautious individuals. That these children get excited more quickly from a situation (high reactive) is due to a low threshold for excitement in the amygdala and its effects on the ventral striatum, the hypothalamus, cingulate and other parts of the brain.

Gray's model

Gray developed a personality theory based on three basic emotion systems in the brain: a Fight or Flight System (F / FLS), a Behavioral Activation System (BAS) and a Behavioral Inhibition System (BIS).

The BIS system ensures behavior inhibition when a threat is detected, increases vigilance and results in an increase in arousal. The input (a dangerous situation) creates a conflict with existing behavior and disrupts it, in order to make a fight-flight response possible. When there is an approach-avoidance conflict, a conflict between the benefits of a quick escape and those of further investigating the situation, anti-anxiety drugs can make a difference. These ensure that the focus shifts to approach. This is also the way these drugs work in people with anxiety disorder. Research also shows that the septo-hippocampal system is crucial for anxiety. It is therefore assumed that the BIS is in this system and checks behavioral inhibition from there.

The F / FLS is involved in direct fear responses and monitors active fight-flight behavior. The choice for fighting or fleeing depends on the defensive distance between the danger and the individual. Fighting is only applicable when the danger is very close and escape is not possible. This system is probably controlled by the amygdala and plays a role in people's panic and phobias.

The BAS system deals with responses to appetitive stimuli. Activating this system results in active approach behavior.

The basis of fear responses is seen as the activation of BIS through the simultaneous activation of F / FLS and BAS. This simultaneous activation leads to an approach-avoidance conflict (F / FLS leads to avoidance, BAS to approach). When this conflict arises, the task of the BIS is to get the reaction more in the direction of avoidance, because the system is designed to make potentially dangerous stimuli more salient.

Two questionnaires have been developed to measure BIS and BAS activation in the form of self-report questionnaires. People who score high on BAS activation are generally more sensitive to rewards, while people who score high on BIS activation are more sensitive to punishment.

Cloninger's model

Cloninger also developed a psychobiological model of temperament, based on the idea that there are three primary temperament types. These types are three independent systems that deal with activation, maintenance and inhibition, in response to specific types of stimuli. These temperamental factors are assumed to involve automatic responses to stimuli that essentially reflect consistent biases in information processing. After further investigation through questionnaires, a fourth factor was added: persistence. The four types are associated with different genetic profiles. Each of these factors are themselves multifaceted, and consist of a number of lower-order traits.

The evolution of temperament began with the development of the BAS system and the BIS system, after which various subsystems were added to maintain the number of behaviors. Research suggests that avoiding danger is related to the norepinephrine system (NE), while novelty seeking is related to the dopaminergic system (DA). Reward dependence is related to the serotonin system (5-HT).

Self-concept is also an important part of the human personality. How this self-concept develops depends on the extent to which someone identifies himself as an autonomous individual, as an integral part of society and as an integral part of the universe. Culture has a major influence on this identification: people in collectivist cultures will see themselves more as an integral part of society, while people in individualistic cultures see themselves more as autonomous individuals. Cloninger developed a more extensive questionnaire in which he included three new character dimensions in addition to the four types of temperament:

1. Self-direction (self-directedness): the degree of individual self-acceptance

2. Cooperation (cooperativeness): the degree of acceptance of others

3. Self-transcendence: the degree to which someone feels part of the universe and nature as a whole

This seven-factor model gives a much better picture of the human personality than the four-factor model alone.

How are these theories related?

Although the theories use data from very different fields, there is an amazing amount of overlap. Gray's BIS and BAS systems are very reminiscent of Kagan's theory of inhibition and lack of inhibition. Gray also indicated that Eysenck's neuroticism is an indication of greater sensitivity to both reward and punishment. Extraversion indicates a greater sensitivity to reward, while introversion indicates a greater sensitivity to punishment. Cloninger's harm avoidance corresponds to the BIS, while novelty seeking is similar to the BAS. Reward dependence is almost certainly also related to the BAS.

Maslow's hierarchy of needs

Maslow stated that it is necessary for the understanding of the human personality to focus on positive traits rather than the negative ones. He stated that the ultimate goal of need was that people act at the highest of their abilities ( self actualization). The need for personal growth motivates a lot of human behavior. But before the need for self-actualization can be met, there are other basic needs that need to be addressed. The most basic of these needs is the physiological need (food, water, sleep, sex etc.). Then comes the need for safety, followed by the need for love and the feeling that we belong to a group. In addition, there is the need for personal recognition and respect, which leads to self-confidence (need for esteem). Only when all these needs are met can one proceed to self-actualization.

People who have achieved self-actualization need privacy, have a realistic view of life, accept themselves and others and the world as it is. They are often spontaneous, independent and deal with situations in a refreshing, flexible way. They are sure of themselves and are not easily influenced by the negative opinions of others. Apparently the drive to achieve one's potential can influence the affective quality of one's life. 

What is affective style?

Affective style refers to the extent to which someone experiences positive affect (PA) or negative affect (NA) in daily life. Affective style research is done to look at personal differences in how people respond to affective situations and regulate their affective responses. The person-environment covariance refers to the fact that people with different temperaments create different environments and stressors for themselves. This is because the way someone treats the world can have a major impact on the social environment that we build. The extent to which we experience PA or NA depends on both our appraisal of a particular situation and our emotional reactivity to this situation.

What are the components of affective style?

Emotion perception is a component of affective style, where cognitive processes may be biased toward either positive or negative stimuli. Furthermore, individual differences can exist in all body response systems - subjective, behavioral, physiological, and so on - and in brain activity. The regulation of emotions (a series of processes that increase, decrease or maintain the strength of emotional responses) can also differ between people.

Which individual differences are there in emotional response?

There are a number of ways in which we can respond to an emotional stimulus. For example, if something is funny, we can laugh (behavioral output), feel happy (subjective experience), or even cry or have pain in our stomach (physiological response). In addition, neurological and biochemical reactions occur also. There can be individual differences in these response systems, particularly in the threshold value that determines when an emotional response is triggered. It is also possible that different people make the same appraisal, but that there is a difference in the reaction to that appraisal. In addition to differences in threshold values, there are also differences in the magnitude of the response. Anxiety, for example, can cause a higher heart rate acceleration in one person than in another. The time required to reach the peak of the emotional response also varies (some people get angry immediately when something happens, others only after a few minutes). Finally, there are differences in the recovery time and the duration of the response. When the recovery time of a reaction is very long, it can turn into a prolonged mood.

What are the neural factors of individual differences in affective style?

The most focus with individual differences in affective responses is on asymmetry in the activity of the prefrontal cortex. Research shows that the left PFC is concerned with the experience of positive affect, while the right PFC is concerned with the negative affect. Individual differences in prefrontal activity appear to be stable over time, an indication that this activity can be treated as a stable trait. Greater activity in the left PFC is associated with the tendency to approach an emotional stimulus, while activity in the right PFC is associated with the tendency to withdraw from the stimulus. A lot of left PFC activity also leads to a better social skill, with a lot of right PFC activity this is the opposite. Extremely increased activity in the right PFC is associated with an increase in anxious emotions.

The activity in the left and right PFC has also been compared with scores on the tests for BIS and BAS activation. The notion of BIS and BAS is almost the same as the approach and withdrawal systems. It is therefore not surprising that people with more left PFC activity scored higher on BAS and people with more right PFC activity on BIS.

The research into anger is interesting. Anger is a special case, because it is a negatively charged emotion, but one that is clearly approach-related, rather than withdrawal-related. It appears that people who are often angry show more left-wing PFC activity, even though anger is a negative affect. This indicates that the activity in the left or right PFC has more to do with approach and withdrawal mechanisms than with positive or negative affect.

What are different strategies to regulate affect?

There are many ways in which emotions and moods can be regulated. A theory to map these ways consists of four overlapping constructs: coping, emotion regulation, mood regulation and defenses. Coping focuses on reducing negative affectivity and includes all actions to achieve this goal. Emotion regulation focuses on processes that can be used to regulate specific emotions. Mood regulation focuses on processes that can regulate ongoing moods. Because mood is often not focused on a specific object, this construct consists of less well-defined responses than emotion regulation. The defenses are processes for regulating sexual or aggressive impulses.

Emotion regulation

As mentioned earlier, emotion regulation covers a number of processes that serve to amplify, reduce or maintain the magnitude of emotional responses. Research into emotion regulation in children mainly focuses on external factors because the people around the child have a lot of influence on how a child learns to deal with the emotions. In adults, the focus is mainly on internal factors. A lot of research has been done into conscious regulation, but it appears that this process can also take place in a fairly automatic way.

Five sets of emotion regulation processes have been identified: situation selection, situation modification, attentional deployment, cognitive change and response modulation. The first four take place before appraisals result in an emotional response and are called antecedent-focused strategies. The response-focused processes are the ones that occur after a response is generated.

Situation selection and situation modification both help shape the characteristics of the situation. In other words, these processes cause us to be more or less inclined to end up in a situation that has a certain emotional charge, and that we try to influence the situation in such a way that the emotional experience is optimal. The attention object means that the attention is focused on something other than a negatively charged emotional situation (eyes shut, thinking of something else, etc.). Cognitive revaluation is used to adjust the meaning of a situation, so that the emotional impact changes. Finally, there is response modulation, which only occurs when the response is started. An example is the use of drugs or sports to influence the physiological or perception aspects of emotions.

Mirror neurons are probably important for developing empathy for others. These neurons fire when we see someone else doing something, and we therefore tend to imitate the behavior. It is then a logical step to state that wanting to imitate an action also leads to the same feelings as those of the other person. Mirror neurons form a good basis for research into unconscious emotion regulation.

Which individual differences exist in emotion regulation?

Difficult (effortful) control processes are defined as the ability to stop a dominant response from performing a less dominant response instead. Children differ greatly in their ability to do this. These differences can be subdivided into over-controlled, under-controlled and optimally controlled. Good control is associated with better adaptation and social skills. Information is processed in a more impartial manner which makes appropriate behavior easier for a certain situation. The extent to which these processes can be used has an important influence on how well someone can suppress the BIS or BAS system (depending on what the situation requires). How someone deals with anger also shows how well they can use these control processes; poor control often leads to open aggression, while good control leads to verbal handling of anger. It is also to be expected that scores on the big five will influence the degree of control, but how this works exactly has not yet been investigated.

What are the neural factors of emotion regulation?

The prefrontal cortex (PFC) and anterior cingulate cortex (ACC) play an important role in emotion regulation. People who are good at reducing negative affect demonstrate a higher degree of activation in the dorsal part of the ACC. The reduction of negative affect is also visible as activation in parts of the left ventromedial PFC and reduced activation in the right amygdala. So it seems that successful emotion regulation reduces the activity in the amygdala.

What is a dimensional view of affect?

Many emotion scientists view emotions and moods as reflections of general dimensions of experiences, rather than as discrete categories. Therefore, this concerns how the world is experienced, this is often examined by self-report. An assumption is that emotions are largely defined by the verbal labels that we associate with them. The problem with this is that we do not know whether a certain concept really refers to a biological or psychological phenomenon. So, it may be that our experience of emotions is determined by our language and culture, which would mean that emotions are learned or socially constructed, rather than something natural.

What do we mean by dimensions?

According to the dimension approach, the human experience of emotions (i.e. feeling) is the most important phenomenon that must be explained. This emphasis on feeling leads to the hypothesis that the world is experienced along broad dimensions, rather than categories of different emotions. Much research has ultimately revealed two important dimensions along which affect can be described: arousal (activation) and valence (valence, positive / negative).

Arousal describes the amount of energy that we feel is available. This can range from deep sleep and drowsiness on one side of the scale to hyperactivity on the other. Arousal changes during the day, depending on environment, time, activities, weather, etc. In addition, it depends on personality differences. These variations are felt as changes in the so-called core affect , and form an important dimension of our subjective experience of affective state. Valence or pleasure refers to whether the state we are in is experienced as positive or negative, pleasant or unpleasant.

Arousal and valence seem to be universal dimensions in human experiences. This two are the most salient dimensions, and it is very difficult to add a third dimension that is just as distinctive. It is important that arousal is not a separate phenomenon in the brain, but rather that it represents variations in the valence dimension.

What are the criteria for identifying general dimensions of affect?

The idea that we experience a mix of broad dimensions instead of discrete emotions seems somewhat counter-intuitive, because our perception of discrete emotions is very strong. But when you imagine a situation where you were very scared and one in which you were very angry and trying to describe it, it is difficult to go beyond a description of arousal and valence. The only thing that distinguishes the two is perception and interpretation of the context.

Overview of empirical evidence for dimensions subjective report

Description experience sampling measurements of affective experience

In the Descriptive Experience Sampling procedure, large numbers of people are tested about different situations and they are asked how they feel in each situation. Some describe their emotions in more specific terms of emotions, but all participants also describe their feelings in response to valence. This indicates that valence is a more fundamental characteristic of affect than discrete emotion terms.

Emotional granularity refers to whether someone uses discrete emotion terms in a very precise way (high on emotional granularity), or uses them in a more global way (low on emotional granularity). This indicates that people differ in how good they are in describing their internal affective state. It seems that anger, sadness, fear, etc., are often not experienced as clearly distinct states. Therefore, these states must be broken into smaller parts that relate to valence and arousal.

Questionnaire measurements of affective experience

When self-report data of the experience of emotions is placed in a graph, comparing valence and arousal, a circumplex structure is usually created. This includes the basic emotions in a certain quadrant of the model. This suggests that affect can best be seen as variations based on a number of dimensions, rather than as discrete categories. Every emotion is therefore a combination or mix of these dimensions.

Scores on a dimension do not have to be completely dependent on each other. In extreme cases this is true: when someone experiences extreme positive affect, he usually feels very little negative affect. However, if someone is relatively low on negative affect (he is fairly relaxed), that does not necessarily mean that he feels happy. This shows that positive and negative affect are surprisingly independent of each other. Scores can be anywhere on the continuum. The two-dimensional model then has two axes, one for positive affect and one for negative affect, on which the scores can be plotted.

It is also possible to make a model with the dimensions of activation: tension and energy. All of these models seem very different, but it appears that they all actually describe the same affective space. When valence and activation are used to describe the results of these studies (instead of the original dimensions), the explained variance was still very high.

Physiological specificity

The idea here is that approach or withdrawal mechanisms are an explanation for the valence dimension. These mechanisms are mutually inhibiting, so when one is activated, the other is suppressed. Arousal is not seen here as a third system, but as the metabolic and neural activation of either approximation, withdrawal, or the co-activation of both together. Therefore, the approach and withdrawal mechanisms are seen as the neuro anatomical basis of both valence and arousal effects. If this is true, we should find physiological responses that are triggered by increasing arousal, but not influenced by valence (or vice versa).

Facial muscle action

Important muscles in the face include the corrugator muscles (responsible for contracting the eyebrows, frowning) and the zygomatic muscle (responsible for smiling at joy). Activation of these muscles therefore gives an indication of positive or negative affect (valence). This is about the degree of activation: there is always activation, but the more positive the stimulus is experienced, the less activation can be seen in the corrugator muscle. Logically, the opposite effect occurs with the zygomatic muscle. There is a difference in gender: men meet the expected outcomes much less often. It seems that women are more expressive with their faces when they experience positive or negative affect

Heart rate and skin conductance

Variations in heart rate are used as an index for the response to emotionally charged stimuli. The default pattern is a decrease in heart rate when a photo first appears, then an acceleration and finally a decrease. The valence of the photo influences the extent to which these changes occur: unpleasant stimuli produce the greatest degree of initial deceleration and acceleration (in both the first phase and the last), while pleasant stimuli produce greater peak acceleration. Heart rate is therefore a measurement for valence.

A more reliable method is to measure skin conduction. The degree of skin conduction increases when arousal increases, this is independent of valence. The skin guidance therefore increases when strongly emotionally charged images are shown, both positive and negative. The fact that the dimensions are so clearly separated indicates that this is indeed a matter of two separate factors.

Startle response

Measuring a startle response to an emotional stimulus appears to be a good way to test whether the activation of the withdrawal mechanism (and deactivation of the approximation mechanism) is influenced by the overall level of activation (arousal). A startle response is a protective reflex that interrupts current behavior, so that a potential threat can receive attention. According to the motivational priming hypothesis, this shock reaction should be stronger when the withdrawal mechanism is already activated (for example, when watching a horror movie).

The startle reflex is measured in humans by measuring the eye reflex (where someone blinks with an eye when he is shocked). When shock-conditioned stimuli are processed, the startle reflex is stronger as a result of a shock stimulus (for example, a loud bang). This is consistent with the before mentioned motivational priming hypothesis. Because the activation of the withdrawal mechanism is accompanied by the suppression of the approximation mechanism, the startle reflex during the processing of a pleasant stimulus has a lower intensity. The higher the arousal, the stronger the reflex with positive stimuli and the less strong the reflex with positive stimuli.

Dillon and LaBar found that conscious attempts to increase or suppress the emotional response to an image had similar effects on the fright response (independent of valence). This is inconsistent with the motivational priming hypothesis, but indicates that arousal is more important for regulating the shock reaction than valence.

How could neural circuits be identified?

Identifying neural circuits for valence and arousal is difficult. If they are two separate dimensions, we would expect certain areas of the brain to be activated in response to arousal, but not to valence. This is even more complicated with valence, because it is not clear whether valence is one dimension with two extremes, or whether positive affect and negative affect are each a separate, independent dimension.

A model in which positive affect and negative affect vary in intensity seems logical, because the intensity often has an influence on how pleasant or unpleasant something is experienced. This model thus suggests that valence increases on the basis of arousal, from the most neutral to the most intense, regardless of whether this is positive or negative.

EEG studies of the neural factors of valence

The valence asymmetry model suggests that the right and left prefrontal cortex play different roles in how we perceive and experience positive and negative emotions. Positive emotions seem to cause greater activity in the left PFC, negative emotions in the right PFC. It is not always the case that negative emotions are related to withdrawal. Anger, for example, is more focused on approach. So, it would be too easy to say that positive and negative emotions are the same as approach related and withdrawal related emotions. The question therefore is whether the activity in the left or right PFC depends on valence or on the approach and withdrawal mechanisms.

What is the functional neuroanatomy of valence?

Two meta-analyzes of a large number of studies on the neuroanatomy of valence found very inconsistent results. One analysis showed that approach-related emotions were associated with greater activation in the left PFC. However, no differences were found between the two hemispheres for the withdrawal mechanisms. Another analysis found that positive emotions were associated with greater activation of the left lateral PFC and basal ganglia, while negative emotions were associated with increased activation of the insula. Here too, left PFC activation was related to approach emotions, along with the activation of the medial PFC. With withdrawal emotions, the amygdala, left medial PFC, anterior cingulate, basal ganglia, left insula and left fusiform, and superior occipital cortices were related.

Another study found the following: regardless of whether an image was negative or positive, if the image was emotionally charged, there was an increased activation of the vmPFC. This relationship is therefore completely independent of valence. If the images also had to be classified on the basis of valence, there was activity in the dlPFC, which therefore seems to influence emotional assessment. The vmPFC therefore probably relates to the affective significance (both positive and negative) of an emotional stimulus, while the dlPFC relates to the evaluative aspect of valence.

What is the functional neuroanatomy of arousal and valence?

Recent fMRI studies have shown that the activation of the amygdala is specifically correlated with emotional arousal, while the amygdala does not respond to differences in valence. Validity was associated with an increase in activity in the orbitofrontal cortex (OFC), this area again did not respond to differences in intensity (arousal). Lewis even found that different parts of the OFC were concerned with positive or negative valence. Positive valence was linked to the right lateral OFC and the anterior insula, while negative valence was related to the posterior insula, the ACC and the right and right medial OFC.

Lewis also found that large parts of the brain were activated by the conjunction of valence and arousal, allowing the two to be integrated into a single representation. This valence-specific response to arousal supports the idea that emotional content influences the way we respond to arousal.

The neuroscience of reward and punishment

Rolls' schedule classifies emotions and terms of rewarding effects. His model describes on the vertical axis the emotions associated with the award of a reward (up) or punishment (down). On the horizontal axis, it describes the emotions associated with non-delivery of an expected reward (to the left) or the non-delivery of an expected punishment (to the right). However, this is not about dimensions, because the parameters of the model are not completely independent of each other.

The OFC seems to play a major role in coding stimuli related to reward or punishment. For example, this is activated when someone eats their favorite food, or even thinks about it. The scores that people indicated how pleasant the food was slowly decreased as they ate more and became saturated and this was also reflected in reduced activity in the OFC. Here too, different parts of the OFC were active, depending on whether a score had to be given on how enjoyable the food was or how unpleasant. The medial OFC plays a role in coding rewarding stimuli, the lateral OFC in evaluating punitive stimuli. The nucleus accumbens (NAcc) ensures that dopamine is released. This is associated with experiencing positive affect and reward. Both the OFC and the NAcc are therefore important areas for coding reward and punishment.

A reward is not just a simple matter of dopamine release in the NAcc. There are three processes that are necessary for a stimulus to acquire rewarding properties. First, the individual must be motivated to act and learn. Secondly, he must learn about the relationship among stimuli and the consequences of actions relating to these stimuli. Finally, the consumption of the reward must cause hedonic consequences, in the form of pleasure. Each of these three processes consists of both explicit and implicit components. The explicit (desire, expectation, pleasure) are consciously experienced, the implicit (habits, salience of the incentive) not. According to Berridge and Robinson, variations in both motivational and emotional components can occur unconsciously, even if the subjective scores that people give to their mood and feelings do not change.

Agents that influence the level of dopamine release do not seem to have any influence on the subjectively experienced pleasure due to drugs or eating. Opioids, on the other hand, do have an influence on subjective pleasure: an injection of opioids leads to more expressions of pleasure, while blocking the opioid receptors reduces the reward value. Opioids therefore appear to be involved in liking and increasing pleasure due to sensory stimuli.

The incentive salience of a stimuli, also called wanting (wanting to have), is strongly influenced by dopamine, but also depends on other brain structures such as the connections between the NAcc and the amygdala and parts of the cortex. This explains the fact that the manipulation of dopamine systems has strong effects on motivated behavior but not on the degree of 'liking' of the reward.

Cognitive appraisals

Because people also indicate that they feel a number of clearly distinguishable emotions, dimensional theories must also show that cognitive appraisal can lead to the impression of discrete emotions.

Are valence and excitement the dominant dimensions of evaluation?

The first step in the stimulation evaluation process is the evaluation of valence; is something good or bad? On a subjective level there are great similarities between different emotions. Although anger and fear can be distinguished from each other by facial expression, they are experienced in the same way (unpleasant and exciting). To properly map out these similarities, a dimensional approach is needed. Such an approach can explain why people move so easily from one emotion to another.

Smith and Ellsworth developed a model consisting of six dimensions that allowed differentiation between fifteen different emotions. For most of these emotions, a unique pattern of cognitive evaluations could be identified. The evaluations of valence and arousal were also included in this list. A strong relationship was found between the cognitive interpretation of an event and the emotional response to it.

In general, research into cognitive evaluations does not agree with the approach that there are only two dimensions. It is assumed that people consider very many dimensions in the composition of their emotional experience.

Does cognitive interpretation of affective state lead to distinct emotions?

James' theory that physiological arousal is the cause of emotions has a number of shortcomings. In this way the same arousal arises even when we exercise hard, but it is unlikely that we will feel the same emotion. In addition, physiological changes are too slow to precede a conscious experience of emotion. Another problem is that people who experience very different emotions nevertheless experience almost the same physiological arousal. Cannon therefore argued that emotion arises when the thalamus simultaneously sends signals to the cortex (for the conscious experience of emotion) and the autonomic nervous system.

Schachter and Singer - two-factor model

Schachter and Singer stated that experiencing emotion depends on two factors: physical arousal and cognitive interpretation of that arousal. So if you experience a physiological excitement, look for an explanation in your environment. This is partly in agreement with James, but also explains how it is possible that the same arousal results in a different emotion. So an emotional experience has two parts: a physiological element and an (externally focused) cognitive appraisal element.

This theory was confirmed in an experiment in which subjects were given adrenaline or a placebo. One part was well informed about the side effects (arousal with the adrenaline and no side effects with the placebo) and another part received the reverse (so wrong) information. It turned out that when someone thought the adrenaline had no side effects, he blamed the arousal on another person in the room. When this person behaved happily, the subject also felt happy, but when this person behaved angry, the subject also felt angry. The arousal is therefore combined with an appraisal of the situation: "I am excited, so that will be joy / anger because this other person behaves that way."

What are common misattributions of arousal?

Much research shows that physical arousal colors our subjective experience of the world. For example, there was an investigation where men had to cross a river over a low stone bridge, or over a high, wobbling, narrow bridge. Then a female researcher came to them and gave them a questionnaire. However, they also got her phone number asking if they wanted to call her after the investigation. The men who had walked over the wobbly bridge (and were therefore more aroused) called more often. They had wrongly attributed their arousal caused by the bridge: they thought it was because they were attracted to the researcher.

The NAcc is anatomically connected to a number of areas in the PFC, but also to a number of subcortical areas such as the amygdala. It is therefore possible that the NAcc plays an important role in determining the affective significance and saliency of a stimulus, and not specifically arousal or valence.

The conceptual act model

The conceptual act model states that discrete emotions are an illusion created by a cognitive categorization process called core affect. The hypothesis here is that what we perceive and experience as individual emotions actually comes from how we perceive and categorize changes in a more general core affective system.

In other words: our background moods (core affect) are experienced along the general dimensions of valence and arousal. These states are subdivided into discrete emotion categories based on a cognitive appraisal of the current context.

What is the difference between discrete and dimensional approaches?

Researchers who look at discrete emotions often focus on the neural or physiological basis of emotions or moods. Some even think that the subjective experience of emotions is irrelevant for understanding the emotion. On the other hand, researchers who start from a dimensional approach focus on subjective experience of feelings. In addition, dimensional research is more often done with humans, while discrete emotion supporters do research with rats more often.

The challenge of research into emotion is to compare these two different research traditions and see if the empirical evidence of both can be integrated into one explanatory model of affect. Both traditions provide information from different levels of analysis (subjective reporting versus neural activation). This data could therefore be merged into a comprehensive model.

Finally, it is unfortunate that individual differences in how people react in emotional situations and how they perceive and interpret these situations are almost ignored. These are influential aspects in the structure of affect.

Are affective events better remembered than neutral events?

There is evidence that people withhold their affective responses to certain stimuli, even when they cannot consciously remember having seen that stimulus before. This is also called implicit memory; the impact that a previous confrontation with an (explicitly forgotten) stimulus has on current behavior and assessment.

What is the result of studies of autobiographical memories?

The affective properties of a situation can provide an improved memory of everyday events. A good example of this are flashbulb memories, very vivid memories of highly emotional events, such as the attack on the WTC in 2001. A high correlation is found between the vividness of the memory and how emotional the event was. This is independent of whether the emotions were positive or negative. However, the vividness of the memory is no guarantee that it is actually accurate, which is often not the case. After a few years, people tell the event in great detail and are therefore sure that what they say is correct. However, the retelling has often changed a lot after a few years and is no longer in line with the actual event.

Research into autobiographical memory is problematic because you cannot know whether people who retrieve more affective events from the memory do this because it is easier to retrieve those events or because they have experienced more such events. That is why memory testing is often conducted in the laboratory.

What is the result of laboratory-based studies?

The remember / know paradigm measures two independent processes that underlie remembrance. The first is remember and is about recalling an event with different contextual details. The second is know and is a sense that an item is familiar without any precise memory of the contextual details. In this study, participants must determine whether they have remember or know an (affectively positive, negative or neutral) item. Highly affective items were better remembered (both positive and negative). For negative items, the 'remember' rating was more often given. This confirms the vividness of autobiographical memories of negative events (even though the accuracy is not necessarily better).

An fMRI study confirms the finding that accuracy between positive and negative stimuli does not differ, but that negative stimuli are more often referred to as 'remember'. This is probably due to a greater activity in the amygdala of negative items. For neutral items, a higher 'remember' score was linked to a greater activity in the parahippocampal cortex.

Memory for the gist of things

There are indications that affect mainly improves the accuracy of our memories for the central, or the gist of a scene. For example, eyewitnesses of a crime can often describe the weapon in detail, but the better the weapon is described, the less the details about the perpetrator are remembered.

These findings are consistent with a previous hypothesis that a narrowing of the emotional arousal of attention (narrowing of attention has) the effect, so that especially the central part of a scene is processed in detail. Thus affect improves the accuracy of memory for the central aspects of an event, but reduces the memory for the peripheral aspects.

We might remember emotional events better because we think about them more often, so we actually 'rehearse' these events. In addition, negative stimuli attract attention much more strongly, resulting in improved coding in the memory. These arguments indicate that memory would be improved by indirect effects of affect on initial encoding and rehearsal.

Does affect influence memory by means of arousal or valence?

We know that arousal and valence have a distinct effect on neural processes when attention is given to stimuli. However, there has not been much research that distinguishes the two when it comes to affect and memory.

What are the effects of arousal on memory for affective material?

The amygdala is said to be important for improving memory for arousing stimuli. Psychological arousal leads to activation of beta-adrenergic receptors in the amygdala. This in turn causes hippocampal activity, which provides for improved consolidation (storage) of memories of events that triggered an arousal response.

It was found that damage to the amygdala mainly limits memory of central aspects of a scene, but not of the more peripheral aspects. In addition, a study found that activity in the amygdala during the coding of an aversive emotional event is strongly correlated with the recall of the event at a later time. This correlation was not present at the neutral events, but there is a correlation between the activity in the hippocampal area and the recall of neutral stimuli. This indicates that the amygdala is involved in an improved memory for emotional stimuli, and the hippocampal region is associated with the recall of neutral stimuli.

Finally, Kensinger and Corkin also found that activation of the amygdala and the hippocampus correlated while encoding affective words that were later recalled. This suggests that an amygdala-hippocampal network could underlie the improved explicit memory for emotionally arousing stimuli.

What are the effects of valence on memory for affective material?

A study into the influence of valence on memory found that participants remembered more negative words, independent of excitement. However, the improved memory for high and low arousal words seemed to be associated with different neural networks. For the negative high excitement words there was mainly activity in the amygdala and hippocampus, for the negative low arousal words especially in the PFC and hippocampus. In the final behavioral output, there was no difference in recalling the negative words, whether they were high or low on arousal.

There are also studies that find no difference between memory for positive and negative events, and even studies that find that positive events are better remembered. The latter is called the positivity bias . However, the question is whether this is actually a bias, because in general people actually experience more positive situations than negative ones.

Affective memory for pleasant and unpleasant events seems to fade at different speeds; this is faster for negative than for positive events. This effect (fading affect bias) gives us a sense of positivity; we see our life as more positive.

So, is there any effect for valence? It seems that under laboratory conditions there is no difference between memory for positive and negative events. However, events that are relevant to us show a bias in which positive events linger better. It does depend on whether the task is about the self or an unknown person. Negative information about the self is processed in a fairly superficial way, while information that is flattering to the self is processed much more accurately. We remember much more negative information about others than about ourselves.

Does affect influence memory at encoding, consolidation or retrieval?

There are three times when affect can influence memory. The first moment is with encoding, whereby emotionally salient events are processed in more detail and therefore better remembered. The second moment is consolidation, so when the memories are recorded in the long-term memory. The third moment is when we are attempting to retrieve specific memories. These stages do not just follow one another, but overlap to a large extent. In addition, they use different neural circuits.

The fact that consolidation takes some time (minutes to hours or more) means that memory for affective arousing events is likely to improve compared to neutral events as time goes on. This means that when memories are retrieved just after the event, there should be little difference in memory for affective and neutral events. After a while this difference should be greater.

It turns out that affect does indeed have an effect on memory during both encoding and consolidation, and perhaps also during the retrieval of memories.

What are the effects of encoding?

The effect of attentional bias, as discussed in the previous chapter, is that increased attention to arousing stimuli provides a better mental image. This therefore provides a boost in memory for affective stimuli. Support for this theory comes from research in which the amygdala activity during the coding phase is correlated with how well the emotional events are remembered. However, improved memory was not found immediately after encoding, but only a few weeks later. Thus, it is possible that the amygdala activity during coding has an effect on the subsequent consolidation process in a way that needs some time to develop.

What are the effects of consolidation?

Many of the findings in this area come from animal studies. For example, it was found that when drugs are used that promote memory after training, they lead to an even better memory improvement than the training itself. This effect is not immediately visible, but it is visible 24 hours later. This pattern suggests that the drugs selectively influence consolidation.

Adrenaline and cortisol (stress hormones) play an important role in the consolidation of memory. The amygdala is important for mediating this influence; we know this because lesions on the amygdala can block the effects of these hormones on consolidation. These findings have also been confirmed in humans, including the administration of adrenaline after performing a memory task. This promoted consolidation for all incentives.

So, it seems that emotionally arousing stimuli are better consolidated in the long-term memory. This effect is linked to a number of hormones and is further regulated by the amygdala. In addition, the amygdala-hippocampal network (which is active in coding) has a direct impact on consolidation. The only problem is that memory is often tested only once (if consolidation is already well under way), so we do not know whether arousal mainly affects consolidation, or encoding.

What are the effects of retrieval?

There is some evidence that activation of the amygdala and areas in the anterior temporal pole are specifically involved in retrieving affective information. For example, it was found that different neural networks were involved in retrieving neutral information and retrieving affective information. To retrieve both positive and negative images, there was activation in the right anterior temporal pole and the left amygdala. These areas were not active when retrieving neutral images. The problem with this study was that the amygdala might not have been activated for the retrieval process, but rather because of the emotional response to the retrieved memories.

Do mood states influence memory?

The viewing of emotional stimuli may cause a certain mood, which then affects memory, rather than the influence of stimulus or event characteristics. When we are in a certain mood, we tend to notice things that are consistent with that mood and we also remember more things from the past that fit the mood.

We discuss two phenomena here: mood-congruent memory and mood-dependent memory . Mood-congruent effects occur when we recall primarily negative events from our past when we are in a depressed mood, or when we recall primarily positive events from our past when we are in a happy mood. Thus, recall is facilitated for information that is affectively congruent with our current mood state. Mood-dependent memory will be facilitated when there is a match between mood at encoding and mood at retrieval. If we hear a story while we are in a sad mood, then we should be more likely to remember details of that story some time later when we are once again in a sad mood as opposed to being in a happy mood. 

Mood-congruent memory

Mood-congruent memory can occur with both encoding and retrieval. The influence of mood on encoding is often tested by causing a mood and then letting people learn a list of positive and negative words. Later, when these people are in a neutral mood, they look at what words they remember. Indeed, it is found that words that correspond to the mood in which the person was during learning are better remembered. The explanation for this can be found in the associative network model, which predicts that information corresponding to the mood is more salient and processed at a deeper level than other information.

The influence of mood on the collection seems less clear. People are often asked to learn a list of positive and negative words while in a neutral mood. After this the individual is asked to retrieve as many words as possible when they are in a positive or negative mood. The results of this are varied: some studies find no effect, others do.

The studies on autobiographical memories provide a clearer picture. A mood is evoked here, after which people are asked to recall events from their own lives. The findings here are generally that people retrieve more events that match their mood, although some studies found the opposite.

The problem with these studies is that the events that are retrieved are often also consistent with the mood at the time the event occurred. So, it may just as well be that the effects are caused by the influence of mood at the time of encoding. In addition, the current mood can distort the memory, reconstructing them in such a way that they fit in better with the current mood. The latter can be an adaptive function, since appraisals of the current affective situation can be a better guide to future behavior than if the memory were a perfect reflection of the past.

A number of factors influence whether mood congruence occurs. For example, the question is whether the material is referenced to the self or to another and whether the person is aware that the information matches the mood or not. In addition, the intensity of the mood and the material is important. For example, it has been found in a study that when the intensity of the material is low, there is even mood inconsistency. When mood and material are noticed (so are intense), deeper associations are formed, which benefits memory.

The mood inconsistency effects found are more difficult to explain. It is possible that cognitive control strategies are at work that are involved in regulating moods. So, retrieving mood incongruent information can be an attempt to change the mood.

An effect has also been found where encoding influences how words are "colored". When people are in a certain mood and learn a list of neutral words, these words get a meaning through the affective background (the mood). As a result, more words were correctly remembered, which complements the theory that emotionally charged stimuli are better remembered.

Mood dependent memory

As discussed earlier, mood-dependent memory ensures that material learned in a certain mood is better retrieved when someone is back in the same mood. This therefore involves consistency between the votes at the time of coding and the time of retrieval.

A study by Bower gave a very strong effect of mood-dependent memory, but the results were never well replicated. However, researchers agree that there are certain circumstances in which mood-dependent memory almost always occurs. For example, the effects are much more common in real-life situations than in the laboratory. In these situations, the affective nature of the situation is much more salient and intense. In addition, affective situations from real life are often more connected to the life goals of a person, so that they are previously evaluated and interpreted as significant.

It is likely that a stronger mood during encoding results in a stronger association with the material. So, if the mood when retrieving is the same as the mood when encoding, the mood itself is a good indication. This explains why the effect is strongest when the mood is intense, there is then a clear context for learning the material. The effect also occurs when context, instead of mood, location or aroma, is used.

When other indications are almost non-existent, voting is an important cue. However, when there are many other strong indications, mood is a bit disappointing. So, this explains why the effect is less or not present when the mood is not very intense: it then falls away against the other cues from the environment.

Eich stated that mood-dependent memory effects are reliable and consistent, as long as moods are strong and stable and when people are involved in actively generating the target events that should be remembered later. This is almost always the case in everyday social situations, so this is a good explanation for the fact that the effect occurs more often in real life than in the laboratory.

Does the type of mood state make a difference to the memory?

The above research shows that valence of the mood makes no difference, but intensity does indeed. Furthermore, Levine and Pizarro state that it is necessary to look at what purpose an emotion serves. This is not just a matter of arousal or valence, but depends on what someone achieves with an emotion. According to this theory, emotions should improve memory for the details that are most relevant to the motivations associated with discrete emotions. There is some confusion between emotions and moods, but it seems logical that different moods are also related to different adaptive functions.

Are positive and negative mood states associated with different information-processing strategies?

There is a line of research that states that different moods are associated with different information processing strategies. For example, happy people rely more on general knowledge and stereotypes. After all, a happy mood is a result of achieving a goal, so there is no immediate problem that needs to be solved. Negative moods, on the other hand, lead to more detailed evaluation of information. After all, these moods are caused by important goals being threatened or failing.

For positive moods, assimilation is used, with active cognitive elaboration of stimuli being done by internal schemes and knowledge structures. This is especially good when exploration and creativity are important. With negative moods, on the other hand, accommodation is used. This is an adaptive process that focuses on the requirements of the environment. This entails careful and detailed perception and analysis of stimuli, when no mistakes may be made.

This also affects memory. When people are told a story that fits certain events in the script (for example, a story about a restaurant where the waitress puts the menus on the table) and other events don't (that someone puts his tennis racket away), people "remember" those script-typical material better, even when it had not been presented. People who were in a negative mood are more accurate in naming what was and was not in the story. This shows that positive mood leads to more confidence in general knowledge, causing errors to slip into the memory.

Another study shows that people in a happy mood have a better memory for a story as a whole, while angry or sad people could remember more details of the story. In addition, sad people remembered more information related to negative outcomes than the angry people. Angry people remembered more information about goal states than the sad people. This indicates that people in different negative mood states tend to recall different types of information.

What are the different theoretical accounts of mood state and memory interactions?

Associative network models

The central idea behind associative network theories is that all the concepts and facts that we have in our long-term memory are stored as nodes in a complex network. For example, the concept of "dog" is stored as a node alongside things such as animal, bark, bite, "Fido", etc. The idea is that when a certain node is activated, a wave passes through the network, causing strongly related concepts to be activated more strongly than hardly related concepts. Such a network is a good explanation for semantic priming effects . This means that the processing of a concept is faster if we have processed a related concept just before that.

Bower stated that moods can also be stored as nodes in such a network, along with other 'cognitive' concepts. So, for every concept a series of affective states (emotions and moods experience in association with the concept) can be linked to this core concept. This means that when a certain concept is activated, a certain mood can also be activated (or vice versa; a concept is activated by voting). This model can therefore explain both mood congruence and mood dependent memory .

It is assumed that certain emotion nodes (sadness) inhibit other emotion nodes (joy), making it more difficult, for example, to retrieve concepts associated with joy when you are sad.

The model assumes fairly general predictions about mood congruence, while other research shows that the effect on memory differs per mood. This differentiation cannot be properly made by an associative network . In addition, the effects of motivation on mood congruence are not discussed . People do not just experience passive affective states, they use a range of strategies to regulate these and to maintain or achieve positive moods. One such strategy is distraction, where people try to think of something else. As a result, the activation wave is disturbed by the model, thereby inhibiting the activation of concepts related to the negative mood.

Affect infusion model (AIM)

When motivations are present to regulate emotions, mood incongruity effects often occur. The Affect Infusion Model (AIM) is intended to provide a clearer specification of the circumstances in which mood conflict is or is not likely to occur. The model assumes that mood-related predictions of associative network models only occur under circumstances that allow an open and unbiased search and processing strategy.

AIM identifies four processing strategies. The choice of a strategy depends on the characteristics of the task, the person and the situation as a whole. Two of the strategies (direct access and motivated) involve closed and targeted processing, which limit the possibility of affect infusion (the process whereby affectively salient information is involved in cognitive and behavioral processes). The two other strategies, on the other hand (heuristic and substantive), require a more open and constructive processing style, which means there are more possibilities for affect infusion. The various strategies therefore largely determine the characteristics of affect-cognitive relationships.

AIM comes to the unexpected conclusion that affect infusion mainly occurs when more in-depth processing is needed. This is because these strategies promote the careless use of affective information. When the situation requires a simple, pre-existing response, affective information has virtually no impact on cognitive processing. Furthermore, AIM assumes that if all other circumstances remain the same, people will opt for the simplest processing strategy, which requires the least effort.

These four processing strategies are as follows:

1. Direct access strategy: is about the direct retrieval of a pre-programmed response, is used when the task is known.
2. Motivated strategy: driven by a specific motivational goal, characterized by a highly focused and selective search for information. Negative moods can trigger this strategy to "fix" the mood.
3. Heuristic strategy: used when there is no motivational pressure and when the task is simple and familiar. Affect infusion only occurs when people use affect as a heuristic cue
4. Substantive processing strategy: used when the task is difficult or complex, or when it is new and there is no motivational goal to guide the processing. Affect infusion occurs because constructive, creative processes are needed.

In summary, the most important prediction of AIM is the presence of mood conflict effects when heuristic and substantive processing strategies are used, and the absence of affect infusion when direct access or motivated processing is used. AIM thus expands the associative network models by specifying the circumstances under which affect infusion and therefore also mood congruent and mood dependent memory effects occur.

Everyone sometimes goes through a period of stress, but for some this becomes so bad that they are no longer able to live a normal life. What factors are involved in developing such an emotional disorder? The American Psychiatric Association (APA) has released the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-IV) , as a tool for classifying and diagnosing mental disorders. This manual contains five axes (I: clinical disorders, II: personality disorders and mental retardation, III: general medical conditions, IV: psychosocial and environmental problems. V: global assessment of functioning) that have a range of symptoms and characteristics of more than 200 mental contain disorders. The first three axes are always used, the fourth and fifth are optional and can be used if the specialist finds this necessary.

The problem with DSM-IV is that cultural differences are not taken into account, so it is primarily relevant in Western societies. In addition, it is a categorical classification, whereby people may or may not have a disorder, while many symptoms occur over a wide range of different disorders. These symptoms can also be experienced stronger or less strongly. A dimensional approach would therefore be more appropriate.

Emotional disorders are common in approximately 20% of the population. The prevalence (proportion of the population with a disorder) of mood disorders is higher in women, while other disorders (such as addiction) are more common in men. There is a high comorbidity between depression and anxiety disorders: nearly 90% of people with anxiety disorder experience at least one episode of clinical depression.

What are the risk factors for anxiety and depression?

The risk factors that make people more susceptible to emotional disorders are as follows:

• Stressful events in life or the environment
• Own temperament or personality traits
• Neurobiological factors, such as the decrease of certain neurotransmitters and receptors in the brain
• Certain cognitive processes and biases
• A genetic predisposition to emotional disorders

These factors are not independent of each other, they interact with each other to make someone more susceptible to a disorder. The cooperation of these factors is described by the diathesis-stress model of psychopathology . This model assumes that a disorder arises as a result of two things: a diathesis (predisposition to a certain disease or disorder; this can be both genetic and social) and stress (due to a serious event in the environment).

What is the role of environmental events on emotional disorders?

Very traumatic life events can play an important role in making people vulnerable to an emotional disorder. This link between environment and disorders is most evident in Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD / PTSD) . Almost everyone experiencing a traumatic event will experience symptoms of PTSD in the period immediately following. However, other factors must be present if the disorder is to continue in the long term.

Stress is an important factor associated with emotional disorders. It has a direct effect on the brain, which causes the loss of neurons (neuronal atrophy) in the hippocampus, among others. Children who experience stress (for example in the form of abuse or abuse) have a greater chance of having emotional disorders later in their lives. This also increases the chance of other serious disorders such as schizophrenia.

A lot of research is done with the Social Readjustment Rating Scale . Who examines which of 43 different life events someone has experienced in the past year. Each event has a score based on how much adjustment is needed (both positive events and negative events can be seen as stressful). Scores on this scale correlate strongly with the amount of anxiety and depression that someone experiences.

The question is how stressful life events cause vulnerability to disorders. It may be that the experience of stress (at a young age) affects the neurobiological mechanisms that normally help with coping . For example, people with anxiety disorder often have an overactive hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal (HPA) system, most likely due to a lack of glucocorticoid receptors in the brain, which in turn is caused by a high level of stress during childhood. Chronic stress can also lead to a hyper-reactive state of the amygdala, causing it to be activated earlier.

Negative childhood experiences are also associated with a greater chance of developing a neurotic personality, which in turn is associated with developing a vulnerability to emotional disorders.

What is the influence of temperament and personality on emotional disorders?

There are four ways in which temperament can influence the development of clinical disorders such as anxiety or depression. These four models do not exclude each other; there is evidence for all of them.

1. The vulnerability or predisposition model: temperament plays a direct causal role.
2. The pathoplasty model: temperament influences the course of the disorder (for example via the social environment) without playing a direct causal role.
3. The scar or complication model: according to this model it is the other way around; the experience of an emotional disorder influences the temperament.
4. The continuity or spectrum model: temperament and emotional disorders reflect the same underlying processes; Emotional disorders are extreme manifestations of normal personality traits.

Are temperamental dimensions risk factors for emotional disorders?

To investigate the direction of the causal relationship between risk factors and the development of an emotional disorder, years of longitudinal studies are needed in a group of people who do not yet have a disorder. Studies of this kind often reveal the affective dimensions neuroticism-negative affectivity (N-NA) and extraversion-positive affectivity (E-PA) as factors that play a role in the development of emotional disorders.

What is neuroticism-negative affectivity (N-NA)?

N-NA is an important dimension of personality with effects on mood, cognition, neurobiological processes and behavior. It also has a clear genetic component. N-NA is connected to the behavioral inhibition system (BIS) , which in turn is connected to behaviorally inhibited temperament. These constructs are strongly associated with neurobiological circuits related to the avoidance of damage. Many measuring instruments for anxiety and depression measure to a large extent the more general construct N-NA, which can partly explain the co-morbidity of anxiety and depression.

N-NA plays therefore an overcharging role in both types of disorders. Behavior-inhibited temperament is in itself a good predictor of emotional disorders. 30% of behavior-inhibited children develop a range of anxiety disorders. These children showed a strong amygdala response on unfamiliar faces in adolescence. A relatively large proportion of these young people were diagnosed with social anxiety disorder.

Although N-NA and behavioral inhibition are risk factors, it is important to remember that the majority of children in the risk groups do not develop a disorder.

Continuity models state that N-NA and anxiety and depression are causally related, but on the same continuum. It is therefore possible that a person's position on this continuum changes over time, bringing this person closer to depression or an anxiety disorder. This model predicts that shared genetic factors for all these aspects are associated with both temperament and emotional disorder.

There is evidence that N-NA influences the likelihood that a disorder will develop, that it predicts how long the disorder will last and how likely it is that someone will respond well to treatment.

What is extraversion-positive affectivity (E-PA)?

E-PA is connected to the behavioral approach system (BAS) , which in turn is connected to the uninhibited temperament that is observed in children. There is evidence that E-PA is related to dopamine-rich neurobiological circuits, including the amygdala and the nucleus accumbens (NAcc) and the ACC and dlPFC.

E-PA is not associated with multiple emotional disorders, but appears to be specifically associated with depression (and perhaps social anxiety disorder). The fact that a depressed person can no longer enjoy life or experience pleasure led to the theory that depression has to do with an abnormality (deficiency) in the E-PA system. Depressed people also respond less to rewards, this can also be seen as a lack of left frontal activity in the brain as a result of a reward. This suggests that this group has a deviation in the approximation system that is underlying E-PA.

There is some evidence that a high level of E-PA can act as a protective factor for developing depression, rather than a low level of E-PA being a risk factor.

Tripartite model of personality psychopathology relationships

The tripartite model was developed to explain the high comorbidity between anxiety and depression. It states that a general factor of adversity (in the form of N-NA) occurs in both depression and anxiety. However, low levels of E-PA are specific to depression, while hyper-excitement of the autonomic nervous system is specific to anxiety disorders. In addition, there is a third factor called anxiety sensitivity , which involves a high degree of fear about the physical symptoms of their anxiety (such as accelerated heartbeat, lack of breath, etc.). This would be a significant risk factor for developing an anxiety disorder.

What is the influence of neurobiological factors on emotional disorders?

Many studies show that anxiety disorders are associated with an increase in activity in the amygdala. However, it is not clear whether this is the result of the anxiety disorder or its cause.

What is the relationship between frontal brain asymmetries and emotional disorders?

Many studies found that damage to the left hemisphere often results in a depressed mood, while damage to the right hemisphere results in a euphoric mood. In particular, damage to the left PFC leads to depression more often. The closer the damage is to the front of the cortex, the more severe the depression. Often people with a diagnosis of depression have a reduced blood supply in the left PFC, with an increase in activity in the right PFC.

The judge PFC is probably primarily concerned with the coordination of vigilance, which is a clear feature of anxious moods. So, when there is extreme right asymmetry in the PFC, this is an indication of anxiety disorders. However, it is sometimes found that anxiety is related to greater activity in the left PFC. These confusing results are explained by the valence model of frontal asymmetries and anxiety . According to this model, anxiety consists of two processes: anxious apprehension and anxious arousal . Greater left PFC activity points to anxious apprehension, larger right activity to anxious arousal. People with social phobia exhibit greater right frontal activation when anticipating a social threat. 

Frontal asymmetry therefore makes people more vulnerable to both depression and anxiety disorders.

Which cortical-subcortical circuits play a role in emotional disorders?

It is important to find out which connections between cortical and subcortical structures are involved in the development of emotional disorders. The structures involved in psychopathologies related to N-NA and E-PA are the cortical structures orbitofrontal cortex, anterior cingulate cortex and dorsolateral PFC, and the subcortical structures amygdala, hippocampus and nucleus accumbens.

The circuit related to N-NA is mainly in the right hemisphere, the circuit related to E-PA in the left hemisphere. Anxiety and depression are associated with an increase in amygdala and hippocampal activity, with the PFC failing to inhibit this activity. Successful regulation of negative affective state therefore rests on a well-functioning inhibitory effect of the PFC on the amygdala.

It is therefore not the case that the brain regions associated with emotional disorders are responsible for their development. It is more likely that the cause lies in a malfunction of the connections between these areas. However, it seems that the hyperactivity of the amygdala is a characteristic of both anxiety disorders and depression. The differences between the disorders have more to do with the functioning of the PFC areas and the development of disorder-specific neural circuits.

What is the role of neurotransmitter systems regulation in emotional disorders?

The HPA axis is the most important system that ensures interactions between genetic and environmental factors that play a causal role in emotional disorders. In particular, the neurotransmitters noradrenaline (also called norepinephrine, NE), serotonin (5-HT), dopamine (DA) and gamma-aminobutyric acid (GABA) play a major role in depression and anxiety disorders. Medications for anxiety and depression therefore act on these neurotransmitters.

A decrease in NE, 5-HT and DA is seen as a major cause of depression, while an increase in it leads to euphoria. Medications that cause higher concentrations of these neurotransmitters in the brain help to combat depression.

Research on anxiety focuses in particular on GABA, the most common inhibitory neurotransmitter in the brain. Medications that are used to fight anxiety disorders make GABA receptors more sensitive, allowing GABA to bind better and therefore work better in the brain. There are also drugs that have both antidepressant and anti-anxiety effects. These do not act on GABA, but in particular on the 5-HT receptors and the amounts of NE and DA present. This also shows that there is a large overlap between the two types of disorders.

A problem with research into the relationship between neurotransmitters and emotional disorders (especially anxiety) is that this research is often done in rats. Rats do not have the same cognitive biases as humans, so models based on animal studies often lack important components.

What is the influence of cognitive factors on emotional disorders?

An important characteristic of emotional disorders is the presence of distorted, irrational beliefs and thoughts. Four general classes of 'thinking' are seen as important for emotional disorders. These are worry, negative automatic thoughts, intrusive thoughts (or obsessions) and over-general memories .

Worry

The definition of worry (worry) is a set of thoughts and images, loaded with negative affect and relatively uncontrollable. Worries represent an attempt to mentally solve problems of which the outcome is uncertain, but where there is a possibility of one or more negative outcomes. Worries are strongly related to anxiety processes.

Worrying is mainly related to generalized anxiety disorder (GAD), but also other anxiety and depressive disorders. People are particularly concerned about social evaluation and the possibility of physical injury or illness. In the case of disorders, continuous and repeated concerns are often reported. Worries are often seen as a form of cognitive avoidance of the actual problems.

One of the consequences of worrying excessively is that there is constant vigilance for threatening cues, so that the subject of the concerns remains present in the mind.

Negative automatic thoughts

These thoughts arise involuntarily in someone and are often provoked by a certain situation. For example, a person with social anxiety in a social situation might automatically think things like "I am unattractive." These thoughts are very difficult to control and constantly repeat themselves. They come up so quickly that the person is often not even aware of their occurrence. The difference with worry is that these automatic thoughts are more compressed and less consciously mediated.

Obsessions

Clinical obsessions are defined as "repeated thoughts, images, or impulses that are unacceptable and unintended". They often go together with subjectively experienced discomfort. These obsessions constantly interrupt current activity, have an internal cause and are difficult to control. They are often perceived by the person as meaningless and unacceptable.

Over-general memory

When a depressed person is asked to recall a happy, safe, interesting, painful or angry event, they tend to recall very general memories ("I walked the dog every day"). Someone without a disorder would give a much more specific example of a memory.

Over-generalized memory does not seem to occur in anxiety disorders, indicating that it may be a specific characteristic of depression rather than a general characteristic of emotional disorders.

What are the different cognitive biases?

A series of cognitive biases also plays a causal role in the development of emotional disorders. This often happens on an implicit, unconscious level. Many theories assume that mood-matching cognitive biases are an important characteristic of both the occurrence and the persistence of emotional disorders. However, it is also possible that the bias is caused by the disorder, or that the bias is caused by a third factor that also underlies the disorder.

Biases in attention

A bias towards the processing of negative information is an important characteristic of depression and also a vulnerability factor for the development of depression or anxiety. A depressed person therefore tends to absorb negative information faster, while positive information is much less noticed. This type of bias occurs in all major anxiety disorders such as PTSD, social anxiety, specific phobias, panic disorder, OCD and GAD. The effect also occurs when the information is offered subliminally. It therefore seems that the information is processed at an automatic level, making it difficult to check.

Anxiety therapy can help to eliminate the bias. A reduction in the bias in attention also leads to a reduction in worries . These results seem to indicate that attentional bias for threat is a characteristic of clinical anxiety disorders, rather than a characteristic of people who are vulnerable to these disorders. It also points out that the bias is probably not a consequence of the disorder.

The strength of the bias hardly varies across all different anxiety disorders, and it also doesn't matter if there is a clinical anxiety disorder or just a tendency to be more anxious than average. That bias is therefore probably related to a high degree of the overarching N-NA, which occurs in all anxiety disorders.

A vigilant-avoidant pattern is often found in people with anxiety disorder. This means that through the cognitive bias they first focus attention very quickly on the threatened stimulus, after which they almost immediately avoid this stimulus. Because of this avoidance no habituation (habituation) occurs, so that the fear persists.

In people with depression, more attention is given to negative stimuli that are offered for a longer period of time. Both people who are currently depressed and people who have been depressed in the past (the latter already being a risk factor for depression in the future) showed a focus bias for sad faces. This indicates that attentional bias is not a characteristic of a current depression, but rather an indication of a persistent characteristic of depression. However, it is also possible that the bias is a consequence of a period of severe depression.

What are the biases in judgment and interpretation?

Most theories agree that biased judgments and interpretations are common in all emotional disorders. Both anxious and depressed people estimate negative events as more likely for the future. Conversely, estimating positive events is less likely to be seen as a specific characteristic of depression. The latter corresponds to the idea that lower scores for E-PA do occur in depression, but not in anxiety disorders.

Both anxious and depressed people tend to interpret ambiguous situations in a negative way.

What are the biases in memory?

Depressed people remember more negative information, especially when this information is encoded in a way that is related to the self. There is some evidence that this explicit memory bias is a characteristic of vulnerability to depression; the strength of the bias is a good predictor of a subsequent depressive episode. The bias also still occurs in people who have recovered from depression, which seems to mean that the bias is a factor of predisposition to depression rather than current depression. When information needs to be retrieved, there is often talk of the over-generalized memory effect, which was discussed earlier.

Although it seems logical that information is better remembered when it receives more attention, as in the case of anxiety for negative information, no evidence has been found for a memory bias in anxiety disorders. It is possible that this is because fear is associated with the tendency to avoid extensive processing of threatening information.

Is a cognitive bias a risk factor for emotional disorders?

An important question is whether bias in cognitive processing a significant risk factor for the development of anxiety disorders and / or depression is. Both are strongly associated with these biases, although the specific type of bias (attention vs. memory) may differ. However, it is not clear whether this is a cause or a consequence of the disorder.

One way to find out is cognitive bias modification (CBM) . This causes a bias that is similar to the bias found in anxious people. If this bias is a cause of the disorder, the bias caused should reinforce emotional vulnerability. Conversely, reducing this bias should lower emotional vulnerability. In this way, various studies have found that attentional and interpretation bias play a causal role in the development of anxiety.

It was also found with the same method that cognitive bias can have a causal effect on the interpretation of new and ambiguous information. A bias can therefore lead to an increased anxious reactivity as a result of a stressful experience.

With CBM it was also found that attentional bias ensures that more stress is experienced with a stressful task. The findings therefore suggest that cognitive biases do indeed play a causal role in mediating fear responses. However, more research is needed to find out whether biases can also serve as a cause for depression.

What are cognitive theories of emotional disorders?

Cognitive models assume that explicit deviations in thought processes are important characteristics of psychopathology. For example, irrational beliefs , especially when related to the self-concept, are an important characteristic of emotional disorders. Because these beliefs can easily be put into words, therapies such as cognitive behavioral therapy have been  developed. This is one of the most effective therapies for anxiety and depression. A bias is much harder to treat in therapy, but CBM might be the solution.

Beck's notion of ​​dysfunctional schemas

A diagram describes how we organize our beliefs and memory structures. The original definition is as follows: "functional structures of relatively long-term representations of previous knowledge and experience." Schemas work as cognitive 'cut-off paths', which means that we do not always have to process every detail of a situation again. If a part of the schema is activated, the entire schema is activated fairly automatically, so that the schema automatically fills in information that was not provided with the original input.

Schemas about social relationships and personal goals can be activated in the same way, making it easy for biases to be automatically recalled. The hypothesis is therefore that emotional disorders can develop if some important life event takes place that results in the activation of a dysfunctional schema. In the case of depression, this causes automatic (negative) thoughts about the self, the world and the future. In the case of fear, it causes automatic thoughts about the possibility of future injury and the inability to deal with it.

Cognitive abilities are focused on information that corresponds to the schema, so in depression this leads to selective processing of negative information, while in the case of anxiety mainly threatening information will be processed.

A problem with this theory is that the differences between depression and anxiety in terms of cognitive bias are much larger than would be expected based on the schema theory.

William's cognitive model of anxiety and depression

Williams made a distinction between integration and elaboration . Integration refers to cognitive processes that result in making a certain representation stronger. Elaboration, on the other hand, refers to the process that starts later with information processing, whereby a certain representation is linked to many other representations. The hypothesis is that anxiety mainly has an effect on the passive, automatic aspect of coding and retrieval (integration), while depression mainly has an effect on the more active, difficult aspects of encoding and retrieval (elaboration). This is confirmed by other studies that found that anxiety is related to attentional bias towards information corresponding to the anxiety, while these items are not better remembered. Depression, on the other hand, is characterized by being able to better retrieve negative information, while an attentional bias is not found.

The idea is that the valence of the stimulus determines the type of processing that must take place, so that attention can be directed towards the object or rather away from it. This is called the affective decision mechanism (ADM) . An anxious mood can influence the ADM, while an anxious personality has a more direct and stubborn influence on how to direct attention. Later studies show that this model exaggerates the role of personality traits in the allocation of attention. These characteristics only determine the threshold above which people become vigilant, but every threatening stimulus attracts attention regardless of personality traits.

Activation of a threatening stimulus can be improved by an emotional label . This label can arise from biological factors or from previous experience and ensures that the stimulus in question

What is the influence of genetic factors on emotional disorders?

There are four main approaches that address how gene variation is associated with the expression of emotional disorders.

1. The first approach assumes that there is a fairly direct, linear relationship between a specific genotype and a certain disorder.
2. The second approach connects genes with intermediate endophenotypes (for example temperament, neurophysiological systems, etc.). These phenotypes are said to have a more direct relationship with genes than the disorder itself.
3. The third approach assumes that the environmental factors (abuse, abuse) are the main cause of emotional disorders, but that genes influence susceptibility. So there is a dynamic interaction between genes and environment.
4. The fourth approach proposes an integration of the endophenotype approach and the gene-environment interaction approach. By looking at the effects of gene-environment interactions on specific neural circuits (endophenotype), it becomes clear how things work.

This fourth approach incorporates so many different factors that the alleles that a person carries have an increasingly smaller influence, as the behavior under investigation becomes more complex. The effects of the alleles are strong in specific neural systems and even stronger in individual cells.

Certain genetic polymorphisms can have a significant effect on the impact of life events on the development of emotional disorders. For example, carriers of the S-allele of the 5-HTT gene are more likely to become depressed if they experience more than four stressful life events.

Carriers of the S allele also have less gray matter in the ACC and the amygdala, and the connections between these two areas were also less present. As a result, the ACC can no longer perform its inhibitory function properly and there is therefore more activity in the amygdala. This seems to be mainly about an increased amygdala activity at rest, resulting in a higher baseline for arousal, increased vigilance, improved memory for affective material, reduced extinction of anxiety-related memories, etc. The difference in activity seems to be caused further due to reduced activity with neutral stimuli, instead of increased activity with negative stimuli.

What are the key aspects of emotion science?

Six key aspects have emerged from the previous chapters of this book

1. Affect is a pervasive part of our lives
2. Emotions, emotion schemes, mood states, feelings and temperament are different aspects of affect
3. Affect can be studied at different levels of analysis
4. Affect is seen in a wide range of both cortical and subcortical areas of the brain
5. Individual differences are important
6. Studying normal emotion and disturbed emotion can inform each other

Why is affect a pervasive part of our live?

The affective life of people is rich and varied and affects every part of our lives. It affects attention, memory and our decisions. Most of our most important experiences and memories are characterized by the valence of situations. It is therefore not surprising that a disrupted perception of affect (such as with emotional disorders) can have devastating consequences, or that being able to properly regulate emotions is crucial for well-being and happiness.

Emotions, emotion schemes, mood states, feelings and temperament are different aspects of affect

The different components of affect are often confused in the investigation of emotion. This causes a lot of confusion and misunderstanding. Affect is an overarching concept that covers both emotions and moods. Emotion is described as a quick and short-term response to an event, including physical response, feelings, and cognitive appraisal. Basic emotions are determined by evolution and can be distinguished from non-basic emotions, also known as emotion schemes. These emotion schemes are mental representations of combined affective and cognitive components.

Moods last longer and can be seen as a kind of objectless core effect, an emotion that is stretched over a longer period of time. This allows us to interpret in a more general way how we do it in life. Feelings can again be seen as the conscious representation of emotions and moods. It is interesting that although people can clearly distinguish between feelings of anger, sadness and fear, when describing this they do not go much further than a description of valence (positive-negative) and arousal (intensity). This can be because emotions have evolved far before language, so language does not have a good description for it.

Temperament, finally, refers to more persistent (perhaps even lifelong) tendencies to act in a certain way. There are a number of important dimensions related to temperament: Neuroticism-Negative Affectivity (N-NA) and Extraversion-Positive Affectivity (E-PA). A third system ( disinhibition versus constraint ) determines how N-NA and E-PA are experienced and expressed. The affective tone of a person's life is a result of interactions between temperament, life experiences, experiences of emotions, emotion schemes and moods.

Affect can be studied at different levels of analysis

Affect can be studied at neuronal level, response level or subjective level. These levels are related to each other in all sorts of complex ways. These relationships need to be investigated much further in the future.

Affect is seen in a wide range of both cortical and subcortical areas of the brain

Emotions, moods and feelings can be traced back to large and interconnected brain regions. In particular, neural circuits between cortical and subcortical areas are important for expressing and experiencing emotions and moods.

Individual differences are important

There are strong individual differences in both emotional reactivity and emotion perception. People consistently differ in how they respond to affective situations, how they pay attention to them, how they interpret and remember. These differences are unfortunately often ignored by cognitive psychologists and neuroscientists.

Studying normal emotion and disturbed emotion can inform each other

There was always a clear separation between research into normal emotions and research into emotion disorders. This is now changing. Research into emotions on the one hand can strengthen knowledge and understanding on the other.

What are the seven sins in studying emotion?

Davidson identified seven sins in studying emotion and stated that research developments could correct many of them.

1. Affect and cognition are subserved by separate and independent neural circuits
2. Affect is subcortical
3. Emotions are in the head
4. Emotions can be studies from a purely psychological perspective
5. Emotions are similar in structure across both age and species
6. Specific emotions are instantiated in discrete locations in the brain
7. Emotions are conscious feeling states

The first sin is the assumption that affect and cognition are subserved by separate and independent neural circuits within the brain. However, it appears that each of these domains is made up of many sub-components and that the two are deeply integrated at the neural level. The affective and cognitive processes can be found in many overlapping areas of the brain.

The second sin is the assumption that affect is primarily subcortical. There is no doubt that subcortical structures (especially the amygdala) are critical for a range of affective states. Nevertheless, there is much evidence that both cortical and subcortical areas are involved in affect. More specifically, subcortical-cortical circuits are crucial for expressing and regulating emotions. It is true that the ability of cortical areas to inhibit subcortical activity occurs much more in higher primates (especially humans) than in rats and other animals. These connections seem to have changed the experience and expression of emotions, moods and feelings.

The third sin is the assumption that emotions are completely in the head. Psychophysiological research shows that a series of peripheral processes is critical for the realization of emotions, moods and feelings. Affective and behavioral processes are characterized by both brain processes and physiological processes. Emotions are therefore embodied. Physiological markers are important indications for feelings.

The fourth sin is the idea that neurobiology can be completely ignored. Fortunately, fewer and fewer cognitive psychologists think that way. ERP and fMRI studies have shown that neural processes are strongly associated with behavioral responses and with exposure to emotional stimuli. Differences in brain activity have shown a difference between liking and wanting, two components of positive affect that cannot be separated without neuro-research.

The fifth sin is the assumption that emotions are the same between different age groups and different types. Although the age aspect in this book has not really come to the fore, there is a lot of evidence that emotion (especially emotion regulation) changes with age. Studying a process in one species can tell us something about similar processes in other species (think of animal studies in rats). However, the question is whether this only applies to basic processes or also to the more complex ones.

Especially when it comes to the regulation of emotions by the more extensive PFC that is present in people, this is a difficult problem.

The sixth sin is the assumption that different emotional systems are located at specific locations in the brain. Although relatively differentiated neural systems can underlie certain emotions, a large number of interconnected brain regions are active in almost all affective states. Brain areas are therefore each involved in multiple circuits.

The seventh sin is the assumption that emotions are conscious states of feeling. It is now clear that emotions and moods can be distinguished from states of feeling. Feelings are the conscious representations of emotions and moods, but emotions can operate on different levels and need not be aware.

What are the different levels of analysis?

Affect can be studied at the level of molecules or cells (and genes) or at the level of behavior; at the level of neuronal systems or at the cultural level. All these levels are important in themselves, but also influence each other. That is why the current research into affect is made up of biological, psychological and social contextual research into normal and abnormal affect.

Single-level analysis is very useful for developing general theoretical models that explain certain phenomena. However, these models cannot explain the phenomena caused by the other levels. Thus discrete and dimensional approaches to emotion are often seen as opposite to each other, while both may be needed to find a complete explanation of affective experience and expression.

A unifying framework

There is a comprehensive, integrative framework that leaves a framework of how dimensional and discrete approaches can be combined. This includes Panksepp's primary emotional systems. These are the same as basic emotions. The activation of these primary emotional systems leads to a disturbance in the general affective background, or core effect or background mood. These disturbances are consciously perceived and this leads to a subjective experience, which is interpreted in terms of valence and arousal. This also explains why people describe this valence and arousal, but often not the discreet emotion that goes with it. This is located under the surface. This model therefore uses both the discrete emotion approach and the dimensional approach.

Teasdale and Barnards interacting cognitive subsystems approach

A multi-level approach to the interactions between affect and cognition assumes that many different components or subsystems are involved in emotion. An emotional response occurs when these different components are temporarily synchronized, for example through the evaluation of a certain situation.

The multi-entry memory (MEM) approach states that many emotions arise from both low-level sensory processes (for example, processing the properties of a snake) and high-level reflective processes (for example, imagine you are locked in a room with a snake). Some emotions (the basic emotions) occur at every level of processing, while others only occur at the more reflective levels (the secondary emotions such as jealousy, guilt, etc.). This model provides an explanation for mixed feelings.

The interacting cognitive subsystems (ICS) framework proposes nine different cognitive subsystems, which interact with each other in a complex way. Certain types of information, corresponding to certain types of experiences, are processed by specialized subsystems. Three of these are the acoustic, visual and body state subsystems. The systems look at objects, location, form, meaning, etc. Propositional meaning can be conveyed in a sentence, while implicational meaning refers to a more intuitive or holistic schematic model of life experiences. There are also subsystems for verbal and physical output. The other subsystems are: morphonolexical, propositional, implicational, articulatory, object and limbs.

The ICS also states that specific processes that occur in each subsystem have the same internal structures, but operate completely independently of each other and can therefore occur in parallel. These processes can transform information from one code (for example, acoustic) to another (for example, visually).

Propositional and implication levels of meaning

One of the most important aspects of the ICS framework is the distinction that is made between propositional and implication levels of meaning. Propositional meaning can be expressed in language and leads to intellectual beliefs that have a truth value (they can be true or false). This type of information is usually not affected by information that comes from intonation or physical state of arousal.

Implication significance, on the other hand, leads to emotional beliefs ('gut feelings') that are derived from current emotional experiences. These beliefs are influenced by information from many sources and have no truth value. They often cannot be expressed in words, but are intuitive. Information from all subsystems is therefore merged into the implication subsystem. According to this theory, feeling is caused by schematic models that encode recurring themes from the emotional patterns of similar, previous experiences. When certain affect-loaded schematic models are activated by the implication subsystem, the associated emotion arises. The ICS also emphasizes the physical effects.

The ICS model, in contrast to other models, states that it is possible that a purely intellectual conviction has no influence on 'gut feelings'. This can occur when all other subsystems are not activated, but only the propositional subsystem. There is no emotion.

Cognitive bias can be explained by this model as a transformation of an implication code into a propositional code, taking all sorts of other factors from the sensory subsystems and mood into account. These factors ensure that the transformation is 'colored' as it were, different schematic models are merged, so that evaluative judgments come under the influence of bias.

Processing depression-related schematic implication models is seen as a cause of depressive mood. Negative automatic thoughts that are typical of emotional disorders do not play a direct role in generating a negative mood such as depression. There is, however, a connection between cognitive and sensory processes, whereby an intervention in negative thoughts can nevertheless lead to a reduction in depressive feelings.

Power and Dalgleish's SPAARS approach

Another model, similar to ICS, is the Schematic, Propositional, Analogical and Associative Representation Systems (SPAARS) approach. The model has many similarities with ICS, but also a number of important differences. For example, SPAARS places a lot of emphasis on goal-based cognitive appraisals, which would be crucial for generating emotion. Emotions are made up of a number of different components (physiological changes, awareness, actions, evaluation), but can only be distinguished from each other on the basis of the appraisal component.

In this model, the analogic level represents the processes that occur at a sensory motor level. The propositional level is about representations (thoughts and beliefs) that can be expressed in language. The schematic level is about the more abstract representations about the state of the world and the self, which cannot be expressed in language. The important goals and appraisals are also included in this level. Emotions are therefore generated directly from the schematic level and indirectly from the propositional level. The associative level provides an automatic connection between certain stimuli and responses, creating an alternative route for generating emotion where the schematic level is no longer needed.

In this model, a function of the basic emotions is to adjust the cognitive system in such a way that a goal (that was previously blocked) can still be achieved. Emotional disorders stem from a malfunction of one of the five basic emotions. An emotion adjusts the system by making the relevant goals of that emotion salient (for example, escape behavior in the event of fear).

Overview of multi-level models

The strongest point of the multi-level approaches is that they are able to provide a theoretical explanation of both normal and disturbed emotions within a single framework. That information can be processed at different levels therefore explains that there is sometimes a separation between our emotions and our rational analysis of a situation. Because these models recognize so many different levels, they give a more realistic picture of the complex interactions between these different levels of processing.

How can neurobiological and cognitive models of affect be integrated?

It is very difficult to integrate these different models, because the different research areas often have different language use and different approaches. In addition, there is often confusion about whether cognition and affect should be seen as separate systems, or as parts of a composite whole.

A dynamic system approach

Cognitive psychology often starts from a straightforward approach to cause and effect. Psychological wholes, such as attention, memory and emotion, are mainly looked at, without looking at the cooperating parts from which these wholes arise. Neuroscience, on the other hand, looks at how the different neural systems influence each other, without an assumption of linearity or causality.

The dynamic systems approach shows how complex systems such as the brain work and involve multiple causal processes. The systems show how units are created from interacting parts. This is due to self-organization (the spontaneous formation of order from non-linear interactions) and circular causality (causality in two directions between the different levels of a system). Cause-effect relationships therefore run in two directions. In addition, effects do not have to be linear, but exponential or threshold effects can also occur, making it difficult to predict a future state of the system from the current state.

Instead of assuming that information from the senses is processed and translated into an output (linear theory), a dynamic system assumes that information processing systems reconfigure themselves on the basis of a constant flow of sensory information. Such a system can thus show how interactions between subcomponents are related to the development of coherent wholes, so they can provide a description of both psychological and neurobiological studies of emotion.

Are cognitive-affect relationships bi-directional?

There are three major approaches to emotion-cognitive relationships. The first is appraisal theory, where meaning is extracted from the situation in order to help us to make sense of the world. Appraisal is often seen as something that precedes emotion, although emotion also seems to influence appraisals. So it seems that this can be a bi-directional relationship.

The second approach focuses on functions of emotions. The most important function of emotion seems to be focusing attention on the most relevant environmental aspects, so that the right actions can be prepared. From this perspective, the connection runs exclusively from emotion to cognition.

The third approach suggests that personality traits and clinical disorders affect cognitive biases. This is therefore a connection that runs from temperament to cognition. However, it is also found that cognitive biases can play an important role in the development of personality traits. In that case, the causality would go in the other direction. These opposite findings are likely to indicate that the relationship is more likely to be in two directions. Ignoring these bi-directional influences probably leads to incomplete models of emotion and makes it difficult to come to an integrated theory of the different approaches.

What characterized the dynamic systems?

The non-linear approach to cognition focuses on how ordered structures arise from complex dynamic systems. From this perspective, cognition is a form of self-organization that occurs in the context of a complex dynamic system. The bi-directional causal relationships can lead to an emotional interpretation. This starts with a 'trigger event', followed by a phase of self-amplification (an emotional interpretation is formed here). Attention and arousal and many other components therefore interact in a fast and dynamic way. This phase is followed by a phase of self-stabilization, in which higher levels of complexity are involved. In this phase, plans are made to deal with the situation and these plans depend on the emotion formed in the previous phase.

Trigger phase

A trigger event causes a change in phase, whereby the order of the system is suddenly disrupted. Such an event can occur at any stage of an emotional interpretation and can consist of external or internal input (memories etc.). In such an event the amygdala becomes active to focus attention on the right places. This activation leads to an emotional interpretation with the help of the OFC, ACC etc., which in turn enhances the processing and allocation of attention to relevant parts of the world, and this provides further feedback to the amygdala by means of reciprocal connections. This is an example of a positive feedback loop, which creates a continuous strengthening of changes in the brain as a result of the trigger event.

Self-stabilization phase

Negative feedback begins to dominate during this phase. This ensures that the current state within the system is maintained. There is therefore inhibition of the brain circuits (through regulation by the OFC and vmPFC). This reduces the activation in the amygdala. An emotional interpretation develops, stability can occur as attentional orientation and action tendencies lead to a narrowing of the focus of attention and behavior towards relevant material.

Learning phase

A stronger connection can arise between sub-components that are often activated, which can lead to persistent cognitive bias and beliefs. Stable emotional states are essential for learning, as they leave a lasting trail on the components.

This model therefore describes a system of stable equilibrium; it remains alert to changes, but there is also an important degree of stability. It is important that a trigger event at any level in the model can lead to a dynamic change in the stable state of the entire system. Dynamic systems make it easier to design a realistic framework in which neurobiology is related to cognitive psychology.

How can the scientific basis of emotion be translated into clinical practice?

Although a lot of research has been done into emotional disorders, there is still a big separation between research and practice. One reason for this is that the goals of scientists and practitioners are far apart. Research is often very specific and researchers often do not step back to look at the big picture. For a psychic practitioner, it is important to have an overview of the larger picture. In addition, theoretical research is often very far from the everyday reality that practitioners have to deal with.

Translation research could be a solution for these problems. The findings are translated in emotion studies into the development of better treatment approaches. A good understanding of a basic affective phenomenon also provides a better understanding of an extreme form of this, as seen in a disorder.

How is basic science applied?

The usefulness of scientific research for the development of clinical interventions becomes most evident in behavioral psychology, especially with conditioning. This is often used for behavioral therapy.

From fear extinction to exposure therapy

Exposure therapy is based on extinction. Time and time again, this therapy shows an object that the patient fears. Because there are no negative effects as a result of seeing this stimulus, the fear becomes less and less. Research also shows that administering d-cycloserine helps with the extinction process. This can therefore possibly be used in the treatment of anxiety disorders. The drug is not a direct treatment for specific phobias, but can be used in combination with psychological treatment to enhance the effects of the therapy.

From cognitive bias to clinical intervention

More cognitively focused therapies such as cognitive behavioral therapy are more based on attempts to address the biases that are typical of certain disorders such as depression and anxiety. However, these therapies were never so deeply rooted in experimental research. However, research into temperament and properties has recently provided a stronger link between research and practice. For example, neuroticism appears to be associated with fundamental biases in how people process affective information. More attention is given to threatening information and ambiguous information is processed in a more threatening way. The question is whether this bias is a cause or a consequence of an emotional disorder.