The effect of linguistic abstraction on interpersonal distance van Reitsma - van Rooijen et. al (2007) - Article

Article summary with: The effect of linguistic abstraction on interpersonal distance van Reitsma - van Rooijen et. al (2007)


When we talk to people, we often make inferences about what we think of them (like, dislike, good, awkward), even though we don’t say it out loud. It’s not always clear why we feel close or distant towards another person. The authors of this article think that very subtle language messages may cause these feelings of closeness or distance. For example: people usually don’t use any form of prejudice directly towards a person. If prejudice plays a role in a conversation, the signs are way more subtle. Still, these signs can influence feelings of distance.

The same goes for the description of behaviour from in-group and out-group. Postive in-group behaviour and negative out-group behaviour are described in abstract terms (X is helpful, Y is aggressive). Postive out-group behaviour and negative in-group behaviour are described in more concrete ways (X helps, Y hurts). See the table below

 

 

In-group positive

Out-group

Positive behaviour

Helpful

Hurts

Negative behaviour

Helps

Aggressive

 

The problem with these subtle language differences is that they are partly responsible for maintaining biased judgements. This happens because abstract language is connected with enduring behaviour, while concrete language is connected with momentary behaviour. So if someone hurts (concrete), that doesn’t mean that this person does that all the time. If somebody is aggressive (abstract), it is in this persons nature to be aggressive.

This process has never been researched with feedback. If you talk to somebody, you get feedback on your behaviour. What happens when this is added into a research design?

Methods

Participants had to write down an event about either a good thing they did, or a bad thing. They were told somebody else would read this and form a first impression. After that, they would receive either concrete (“in this situation, you acted..”) or abstract (“you are someone who is..”), negative or positive feedback on this behaviour. So there were four possibilities: negative concrete, positive concrete, negative abstract or positive abstract. It was said that the feedback came from the person that was forming a first impression.

After the feedback, the participants had to fill in an edited questionnaire about interpersonal distance, called the Inclusion of Other in Self-scale (IOS) and some questions about the relationship with the other person (who gave the evaluation).

Results and discussion

If you receive positive abstract feedback, you feel more close to the person giving feedback, than if you receive positive concrete feedback. If you receive negative abstract feedback, you feel more distance towards the person giving feedback than if you receive negative concrete feedback. So, if you say “Oh you seem like a nice person” that person will like you more than when you say “Oh you acted so nice in that situation”. But if you say “Oh you seem like a mean person”, that person will feel more distance towards you than when you say “Oh you acted like a mean person in that situation”.

There are a few limitations to this study. One is the difference in tenses between the abstract and the concrete feedback. Abstract is in present tense (“you seem”), while concrete is in past tense (“you acted”). There’s not yet a solution for this problem.

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The role of the self in responses to health communications: a cultural perspective van Sherman et. al. (2011) - Article

The role of the self in responses to health communications: a cultural perspective van Sherman et. al. (2011) - Article

Summary with the article: The role of the self in responses to health communications: a cultural perspective by Sherman et. al. (2011)


Health problems are of a pancultural nature and because of this, some researchers think that there might be a pancultural health solution. Every country needs to deal with problems of oral health, smoking-related illnesses and many other problems. Many problems arise from issues of self-regulation and health problems can be changed by changing health behaviours. Researchers need to find a way to put health communications together with dimensions of the self, in order to change health behaviours. In this article, the writers argue that a cultural consideration of the self can help create more effective health messages. A cultural consideration of the self means how people see themselves in relation to other people and their goals.

The writers are obviously looking at the culture, but they are also looking at psychological theories that will help them to find good features of health messages and that help them to find which psychological aspects are the most relevant to look at. More and more studies show that messages are more persuasive when the content of the message matches the recipient’s affective, cognitive or motivational characteristics. So the variability in how people respond to health messages can be ascribed to the matching of the messages to affective, cognitive or motivational characteristics. Culture in its turn, has an impact on these psychological characteristics.

The self and culture

There are many differences between cultures and cultural psychologists and anthropologists have proposed many constructs to account for some of those differences. They created the constructs of individualism and collectivism. The constructs of individualism and collectivism are useful to show cultural differences in how people see themselves in relation to others.

The United Kingdom and United States are examples of individualistic cultures. In this culture, the independent self is the dominant form of the self. This self has self-defining attributes to fulfil personal autonomy and self-expression. The people in these cultures see themselves as agents and they see themselves determining their decisions and actions. In these cultures individuals are more motivated to pursue opportunities than to not make mistakes.

The collectivist cultures are basically the opposite of the individualistic countries. Many East-Asian countries are collectivistic and the dominant model of the self is an interdependent self. This self is defined by social relations and membership in groups and the self is all embedded within the social context. People in these cultures are more relational and their decisions are based on mutual obligations and fulfilling the in-group expectations. People from this culture want to fit in with their group and want to keep the peace and quiet between group members.

Keeping their responsibilities and avoiding behaviours that disrupt others is where they focus on. In collectivistic cultures people are more focused on not making mistakes than to pursue opportunities. They rather try to avoid negative outcomes than try to achieve the positive outcome they want to achieve.

Crafting health messages

In order to put culturally congruent health messages together, one must find characteristics that vary cross-culturally. One must also examine whether framing messages matching those characteristics are more persuasive and lead to health behaviour change. The regulatory focus theory found that individuals from collectivistic cultures are more focused on prevention and sensitive to the presence or absence of negative outcomes. People from individualistic cultures focus more on promotion and are sensitive to the presence or absence of positive outcomes. This means that health messages that emphasize the potential losses associated with not performing a behaviour might be more effective among people from collectivistic cultures and messages that emphasize the potential gains with performing a behaviour might be more effective among people from individualistic cultures. These two types of messages can also be called loos-frame messages and gain-frame messages. Studies have shown that people who are more avoidance orientated are more persuaded by loss-frame health messages and individuals who are more approach oriented are more persuaded by gain-framed health messages. Gain-frame and loss-frame health messages may be differentially effective as a function of culture.

There have been many studies testing the cultural congruency hypothesis. One of these studies looked at dental health. The participants in these studies were from collectivistic cultural backgrounds (East Asia) or individualistic cultural backgrounds (Britain). They received one of two messages about flossing recommendations. These recommendations either focused on the benefits of flossing (this is the gain-frame) or the costs of not flossing (loss-frame). People from individualistic cultures had more positive attitudes towards flossing and more intention to floss when they were presented with the gain-framed message. Participants from collectivistic cultures could be more persuaded by the loss-frame messages. Other research has looked at matching aspects of health messages to cultural differences in self-construal. People with an independent self are more motivated to achieve personal goals, so they should also be more motivated to perform health behaviours when the message is framed in terms of personal consequences. People with a more interdependent self will be more motivated by messages emphasizing relational consequences. One study supporting this was about caffeine use. Women read an article linking caffeine use to negative health outcomes. Women with a strong interdependent self-construal and who were exposed to health messages that emphasized interpersonal consequences had higher perceived levels of personal risk.

Nowadays, we live in a multicultural world and people are exposed to multiple cultural influences at different times and this causes different aspects of the self-concept to be salient. There are also studies that have found that matching health messages to cultural themes does not lead to greater persuasion. One study looked at the individual consequences associated with sexually transmitted diseases. These individual consequences were found to be less effective for White Americans than a message that focused on relational consequences. This study shows that increased personal relevance could lead to greater defensive processing. This is especially the case for self-threatening health information. Future research must therefore identify when information framed to be congruent to the self leads to greater acceptance and when it leads to greater defensiveness. Research should figure out under which circumstances the self-construal needs to be primed to increase the effectiveness of matched health messages.

Cultural congruent self-affirmation

Researchers have tried to increase health persuasion by having people complete self-affirmations by providing them with threatening health information. According to the self-affirmation theory, the goal of the self-system is to maintain an image of self-integrity rather than responding to specific threats. People might respond defensively to threatening health messages and because of this, it might be difficult to promote positive health behaviours. A recent study has shown that a graphic cigarette advertisement to make negative associations with smoking might actually evoke defensive responses and lead to a bigger desire to smoke! However, when self-affirmation is provided, this defensive response might be reduced. In one study, heavy smokers completed a self-affirmation (moments in their life that they saw the value of kindness) and they were more accepting of anti-smoking information than heavy smokers who didn’t complete self-affirmation. They also increased their intentions to reduce smoking and also were more likely to take a brochure on how to quit smoking.

However, one must take the cultural generalizability into account, because research has found that self-affirmation has no effect on people from an East-Asian cultural background. Self-affirmation needs to be reshaped to fit the collectivistic cultures. One study matched the affirmation to the culture of the individual and kept the content of the message constant. Some of the affirmations led individuals to focus on approaching positives or on avoiding negatives. The researchers chose this distinction, because health decisions often have approach/avoidance conflicts. Also, research has found that there are cultural differences in the attention people pay to approach-oriented and avoidance-oriented information. East Asians were more attentive to avoidance-oriented information, while North Americans were more attentive to approach-oriented information. The results showed that an affirmation focused on how values can help people approach positive things were more effective at changing health behaviours amongst White Americans, while an affirmation focused on how values can help people avoid negative things was more effective among Asian Americans.

Organizing framework

In social and personality psychology, the self is one of the most important constructs. Self processes have a big influence on a person, they directly affect emotion, memory, motivation and behaviour. All those processes are central to health persuasion and culturally variant and the self can therefore give us a useful framework for understanding when psychological constructs will be effective or ineffective in attempts of health persuasion. The writers of this paper encourage researchers to look at the cultural background of the participants. They also encourage researchers to use a non-college student population. This will give the researchers a broader, more diverse population.

Article Summary of “Because If You Don’t Put the Top on, It Will Spill”: A Longitudinal Study of Sibling Teaching in Early Childhood - Howe et al. - 2016

Article Summary of “Because If You Don’t Put the Top on, It Will Spill”: A Longitudinal Study of Sibling Teaching in Early Childhood - Howe et al. - 2016

What is this article about?

The summarized article is about how siblings are involved in teaching and learning of the other sibling’s part. Children’s social-cognitive development is influenced and facilitated within their relationships with significant others, of which relationships with siblings are also a part, even though this field is not completely researched yet. The already existing literature states that natural sibling teaching is a natural cognitive activity for children. Older siblings often teach their younger siblings in a semi structural manner, teaching what they just learned from adults. In order to research more in this field, a longitudinal study, researching about naturalistic sibling teaching was conducted and reported in this article.

What is the relationship between teaching and learning?  

In the collaborative model of teaching by Rogoff, it is stated that a teacher guides their less informed learner and builds a bridge between the known and unknown information, while promoting an active involvement of the learner. From this point of view, teaching is a bidirectional relationship and process, with teacher and learner being active parts. It is important for the teacher to be aware of the knowledge and skill level of the learner, whereas the learner has to respect the teacher’s knowledge and skills.

How can a sibling relationship be seen in the context of teaching and learning?

A sibling relationship is unique due to their reciprocal and complementary characteristics. Usually, older siblings are the ones giving direct and control interactions, even though younger siblings can take over the teaching part as well.

Sibling Teaching During Semi Structured Tasks

In a semi-structered task, older siblings teach their younger siblings something they were taught from an adult. How older siblings teach depends on their developmental stage. Preschoolers often demonstrate while teaching, whereas older children focus more on verbal instructions. The older the younger siblings are, the more involved and active they are in the teaching and give more feedback.

Naturalistic Sibling Teaching

In naturalistic teaching, older children teach younger children during play context by using a range of strategies, such as scaffolding, explanation and demonstration, with increasing teaching skills.

What has been researched in the current study?

This study focused on teaching frequency, strategies and learner involvement in a longitudinal study. First with children at the age of 2 and 4 years (T1), and a follow up assessment two years later (T2). Additionally, the teaching of the first- and second borns at the same age (at the age of 4) were compared and important learner characteristics were examined.

How was the study conducted and the data measured?

40 middle-class Canadian families participated with their children in the study. They were observed six times, 90 minutes each. The children were asked to play while pretending the observer was not present. After the observations, the transcripts were screened for direct or indirect teaching scenes and coded.

What are the results of this study and what do they mean?

Throughout the study, children showed a frequent naturalistic sibling-directed teaching during family interactions. Older siblings taught more at both measurement points, but younger siblings taught progressively more over the course of time suggesting a developmental change. Older siblings took the main role in teaching. This study did not reveal significant differences in gender when it comes to siblings teaching. Overall, it was more likely of the teacher, as younger and as older children, to initiate the teaching sequence, rather than the learner asking for it. In the second measurement, the older siblings responded more to a teaching request than in the first measurement. Those findings support the idea that teaching is dependent on the knowledge gap between learner and teacher, rather than on the teacher’s authority status. Furthermore, results of this study showed that the children’s teaching strategies increased with age. Instruction and demonstrating were the most common used teaching strategies among older and younger siblings. These findings align with previous studies, stating that teaching strategies are adjusted to the learners and cognitive skills and knowledge of both. Due to teaching and learning being a bidirectional process, the learner's response was also determined by the teacher's strategies. Most learners responded by either ignoring or complying, rather than actively seeking for teaching and being involved in it.